Collections

The Nathaniel Stacy papers include correspondence, documents, sermons, and other materials which relate to the personal and professional life of Mr. Stacy, a Universalist preacher.

The Nathaniel Stacy papers include eight boxes of material relating to every aspect of the personal and professional life of a Universalist preacher operating in the hot bed of the Second Great Awakening, the Burnt-Over District of New York. Boxes 1 through 4 contain correspondence arranged chronologically, 1803-1867, followed by undated correspondence arranged alphabetically by author. Box 5 contains Stacy's preaching log, listing date, place and text taken for sermons given between 1803 and 1864, sometimes with additional notes concerning funerals or other special occasions. Box 6 contains 30 numbered lectures given by Stacy in Ann Arbor in 1837 and 1838. Only the first of these is specifically dated. They are filed in numerical order with text taken noted on the folder. Boxes 7 and 8 contain material arranged topically, filed alphabetically by folder title. The Box-Folder listing provides detail. Included in these boxes are Stacy's diaries, with an unbroken run from 1835 through 1868 and scattered earlier and undated fragments, and 18 folders of sermons arranged by text. The bulk of the collection centers around Stacy and the members of his immediate family, and includes some materials generated in the late 19th and early 20th centuries by his grandchildren or great-grandchildren, the Smiths of Corry, Pa. The unidentified photographs are probably of these family members.

The Stacy collection is a rich resource for historians of the Universalist Church. Stacy was part of what might be called a second generation of American Universalist preachers, taught by Hosea Ballou and influenced by other members of the General Convention of Universalists of the New England States and Others. He was among the first to preach the doctrine of universal salvation in New York, Pennsylvania, and Michigan, and in each state he founded a number of local societies and regional associations. Stacy's papers vividly document the hardships involved in the life of an itinerant preacher of an unpopular doctrine. The financial difficulties inherent in such a career are reflected in his appeals to various Societies for whom he preached to honor their subscriptions or allow him to leave, and in letters from other struggling preachers bemoaning their meager earnings or looking for a better place; they are implicit in all his financial juggling and in schemes for supplementing his income, ranging from the disastrous reprinting of Marie Hubers's The State of Souls Separated From Their Bodies (1:46) to an ill-fated speculation in cheese (3:91). The individual societies for whom Stacy preached are variously documented in 8:35-39. For example, materials concerning the Society in Hamilton are unfortunately sparse, consisting of one letter of appeal from Stacy and a draft report to the Western Association of Universalists. The Society in Columbus is better documented, with a constitution and list of members dated 1834 and a record of church proceedings from 1834 to 1847 as well as a number of Stacy's accounts and subscription lists. The run of undated sermons (8:18-35) is useful for study of Universalist doctrine, as are the dated occasional sermons which may be found in the card catalog under Stacy's name. Running throughout the correspondence is a considerable debate on the subject of universal salvation versus endless misery, and these debates are echoed and extended in Stacy's diaries and Memoirs.

Stacy's ministry in New York occurred during one of the most volatile periods in the state's history. The collection documents the intense interest in religion in general and the willingness to question established doctrine which characterized the Burnt-Over District during this period. Letters such as one dated January 1, 1819 (1:37) offer moving descriptions of the spiritual hunger and emotional turmoil which stirred many, although a counterbalance is offered in such letters as the one dated January 20, 1828 (2:9) which offers a rationalistic discussion of the illogical nature of such biblical imagery as that of armies of angels in heaven. A number of Stacy's correspondents describe protracted religious meetings and local revivals (indexed under Revivals; and Enthusiasm). Universalist ministers generally disapproved of the techniques of the evangelical churches, and Stacy avidly collected stories of people driven to madness, infanticide, and suicide by Calvinism (1:59; 3:78,92). Yet it is also clear, as one fellow minister pointed out to Stacy, that the Universalist Church benefited both by the interest in religion stirred up by the revivals and by the renewed commitment of the enlightened who found such meeting objectionable (3:11) A letter from a niece turned Mormon requests Stacy to "give me the Names of your Anchestors as far back as you can gain eny knowledge and also give me the Names of your Children that are dead that I may have them to be handed down from generation to generation after me" (4:38). In another interesting series of letters, Stacy acts as advocate for an elderly neighbor, a former Shaker who had been expelled from their community, and who was seeking their support (see subject index under Shakers).

In Michigan and Ann Arbor, Stacy experienced the region's transition from territory to state and the hard times following the Panic of 1837. His correspondence from this period, and in particular his diaries, which he began to keep regularly upon his removal to Michigan, offer a window onto life in a frontier town. Although his daily entries are seldom lengthy, the cumulative effect of the diaries is to provide a rich picture of Stacy's social and economic setting and, as a side benefit, of his very appealing personality.

Those interested in Freemasonry and the Antimasonic excitement which played such an important role in determining Stacy's actions will find materials of interest in the collection. Two examples of Antimasonic rhetoric are found in letters dating from 1829, written by a kinswoman who exhorted Stacy to divest himself of the "vile robes" of the "base ferternity," while listing the ghastly crimes committed by Masons (2:15,17). Clippings concerning his Masonic affiliation and two speeches delivered in lodges are included in 8:14. Also of interest are two series of legal materials: one concerning the estate of David Curtis, founder of Columbus, Pa., for which Stacy acted as executor (7:1), and one concerning the legal separation of Stacy's niece, Rhoda Porter Thompson from her second husband (8:41). Each set of documents includes an inventory of the principal's household goods. Stacy's register of marriages (8:13) and his log of sermons, which often gives some detail about those at whose funerals he preached (5), include useful material for genealogists. The subject index includes topics covered in less detail in the papers, such as Stacy's chaplaincy during the second campaign at Sackett's Harbor in the War of 1812, and his involvement in various Temperance groups.

The Norton Strange Townshend Family papers include correspondence, diaries, essays, lectures, printed matter, clippings, financial and legal papers, photographs, daguerreotypes, ephemera, realia, maps, and books belonging to the Townshend and Dodge families, who were connected by the marriage of Margaret Wing (granddaughter of Norton Townshend) and Homer Levi Dodge (grandson of Levi Dodge) in 1917. Much of the collection documents the life and career of politician and agricultural educator Norton Strange Townshend, including his political, educational, and social reform activities.

The Norton Strange Townshend Family Papers consist of 20.5 linear feet of manuscripts, 66 cased photographs, 3 linear feet of paper photographs, 8 cubic feet of photographic slides, and 7 cubic feet of realia, arranged into 13 series. For more detail, see scope and content notes, below.

The Correspondence series (Boxes 1-10) contains all the collection’s letters, postcards, and telegrams (with the exception of official military correspondence, financial correspondence, and genealogy correspondence, which are under "Topical Files," "Financial Correspondence," and "Genealogical Correspondence," respectively). Correspondence spans the years 1827-1989 and makes up around one quarter of the collection. It is subdivided by family into the "Townshend Subseries" and "Dodge Subseries," and arranged chronologically, with undated items at the end. The series contains correspondence to and from prominent Ohio politicians, such as Salmon P. Chase; who wrote 34 letters to Townshend; William Medill; Rutherford B. Hayes; and notable agricultural educators, including James Sullivant and John Klippart. Correspondence among family members is also voluminous, and documents a wide variety of issues during the mid-19th to early-20th centuries, including social and family life, courtship, women’s work and viewpoints, travel, and attitudes toward education. For an index of correspondents, see "Additional Descriptive Data."

The Joel Townshend papers series (Box 10) brings together documents by and related to Norton Townshend’s father, Joel Townshend (1780-1864). It includes a few religious writings, as well as financial and legal documents that shed light on the family’s life in Northamptonshire, England, and Ohio. Most items date from 1810 to 1830, with the exception of a biography of Townshend written in the 1930s or 1940s by his great-grandson, H. Percy Boynton.

The Norton S. Townshend papers series (Boxes 10-26) is the largest series in the collection and contains diaries, published and unpublished writings, printed materials, clippings, broadsides, biographical materials, and other items relating to nearly every facet of Townshend’s adult life. These materials document Townshend’s political involvement, particularly in local and national antislavery, in agricultural movements, and in the U.S. House of Representatives. The series also includes papers about his educational career, family life, Civil War service, and religious views and work. Townshend frequently worked and reworked his ideas on paper, and both his published and unpublished writings are a rich source of intellectual and reform history. Townshend was also an inveterate collector and preserver of interesting items, including materials relating to northern Ohio’s Liberty Party, his admission tickets to medical courses and the World Anti-Slavery Convention, an application to the Ohio State Asylum for the Education of Idiotic and Imbecile Youth, of which he was a trustee, and dozens of fliers and handbills for lectures given by himself and others.

The Margaret Bailey Townshend papers series (Boxes 26-27) is comprised of two diaries, a rich autobiographical writing entitled "Genealogy," describing her childhood and education, a small number of clippings, and materials relating to her education and career as a teacher in Illinois and Ohio in the 1850s. Many items in the Realia series (below) also relate to Margaret Bailey Townshend.

The Other Townshend family members’ papers series (Boxes 28-30) contains materials relating mainly to Townshend’s children and their spouses, but also includes James B. Wood (Townshend’s father-in-law), Harriet Wood Townshend (Townshend’s first wife), Margaret Wing Dodge (Townshend’s granddaughter), and several other relatives. The bulk of this series is made up of their writings, which are autobiographical, religious, and cultural in subject. Also of interest is biographical information on family members, including articles on Townshend’s children, who were early students of Ohio State University, and a number of obituaries of these family members.

The Dodge family papers series (Boxes 30-34) consists of materials produced and collected by the Dodges of upstate New York, from 1839 to approximately 1970, and documenting their family life, travels, hobbies (in particular the outdoors and canoeing), financial and legal transactions, and civic engagement. Incorporated are some writings by various family members, including Levi R. Dodge, F. Isabella (Donaghue) Dodge, Homer Dodge, and family friend Lydia Sayer Hasbrouck; topical files, the bulk of which are 20th century; biographical materials such as obituaries and clippings; and periodicals on topics of interest to the Dodges.

The Genealogical research series (Boxes 35-37) reflects the family’s interest in its own history and consists of correspondence, family trees, historical essays, as well as commercially produced family histories for some lines. The materials reflect a particular interest in finding links between various family members and such prominent figures as the Townshends of Raynham Hall, the Green family of Vermont, and General Grenville Dodge. This series pertains mainly to the 20th century and is arranged by family, except for the correspondence, which is arranged chronologically.

The Collection-related materials series is made up of documents and articles that shed light on the outreach efforts made on behalf of the collection, particularly for the Easterly items, prior to their accessioning by the William L. Clements Library. The series is comprised of fliers, museum publicity materials, and articles on exhibits. Materials date from the late 20th century, particularly the 1990s.

The Books series contains three items that are housed with the collection: Sermons on Various Subjects by the Late Rev. Thomas Strange, Kilsby, Northamptonshire, with Some Memoirs of His Life (1807); the Townshend Family Bible (with manuscript notes on births, deaths and marriages); and Robert W. McCormick’s 1988 self-published biography of Townshend: Norton S. Townshend, M.D. Antislavery Politician and Agricultural Educator. The rest of the books, including books from the personal libraries of Norton Townshend, Joel Townshend, Margaret Bailey Townshend, and the Dodge family, are housed in the Book Division of the Clements Library; for the list of titles, search for "M-3437" in the University of Michigan's library catalog.

The Visual materials series is arranged by type of item and then by subject. This includes daguerreotypes by prominent daguerreotypist Thomas M. Easterly, other photographs, drawings/prints, and maps. The materials range from the 1840s to the 1970s. See also Realia series below.

The Realia series contains approximately 8 linear feet of objects, including items from the childhood and teaching career of Margaret Bailey Townshend, intricate hairwork jewelry and a hair wreath made with the locks of at least 16 family members, geological materials and fossils collected by Norton Townshend and possibly Thomas Easterly, and other three-dimensional objects such as a glass vial for medicine, ribbons from the Ohio State Fair, and decorative objects. Also noteworthy are a number of paper objects, such as Civil War era chromolithograph animal toys, a Japanese paper lantern, and an alphabet game for children.

The Dodge Photographic Slides series includes eight cubic feet of photographic slides, totaling approximately 22,000 slides, attributed to Homer L. Dodge. They document travels around the southwest United States and to countries such as Japan, Canada and Sweden.

The Miscellaneous series contains envelopes without accompanying letters, blank letterhead, and a binder of transcriptions of select letters from Harriet Wood Townshend to Sarah Wood Keffer.

The Peet family papers contain correspondence and documents relating to everyday life in New England, politics, and the War of 1812.

The Peet family papers contain 27 letters, 3 legal documents, and 3 financial records, dating from 1789-1831, though the correspondence covers only 1807-1813. Don Carlos ("Carle") Peet, Luna Peet Sperry, and Anson J. Sperry wrote the bulk of the correspondence from Manchester, Vermont, to their father, Samuel Peet, and brother, Roily Peet, in New Milford, Connecticut. The letters primarily concern family news, including accounts of Luna's declining health prior to her death in 1810, purchase of land, and the birth of children. In a letter of February 12, 1812, Carle Peet noted Anson Sperry's remarriage and described his new wife. In other letters, he described everyday activities, such as farming and clothes-making.

Two of the letters concern politics and the War of 1812. In the first, August 16, 1812, Carle noted the organization of a volunteer company in Manchester, and criticized it as "nothing more than an out side show of pretended patriotism," and its captain as elderly and overweight. In the second letter, he described elections for Congress and expressed disillusionment with the outcomes (December 20, 1812). Anson Sperry wrote the final letter in the collection (September 20, 1813), in which he pleaded to Samuel W. Peet to assist his sick son, Carle.

The Documents and Financial Records series contains six items. The first two documents, dated December 10, 1789, and June 26, 1791, assured payment by Joseph Peet to Samuel W. and Elnathan Peet for support of their widowed mother, Sarah, and allowed her use of specific areas of Joseph Peet's home. Also included are receipts for the sale of a parcel of land in 1799 and for state taxes paid by Samuel W. Peet in 1809, as well as a record of the distribution of Sarah Averill's estate. The link between the latter item and the Peet family is unclear.

The Kendall collection consists of 95 letters written to Philena Kendall, a Quaker from New Castle County in Delaware, from female family members and friends, particularly her aunt Mabell, her sister Emma, and her sister-in-law Emily. The papers also include two handmade volumes of Phildena Kendall's poetry and clippings from newspapers.

Most of these 95 letters were written to Philena Kendall from female family members and friends, particularly her aunt Mabell, sister Emma, and sister-in-law Emily. There are three early letters written by Philena to her parents, while she was visiting relatives in West Chester and Washington D.C. This is a typical collection of family correspondence, and most of the letters are full of news about family members and local events.

People teased Philena about her beaux throughout her life, and it is difficult to tell why she did not marry. "I do wonder if ever I will be married," she mused, in a letter to her parents (1853 February 27). Writing home while she was in Washington D. C., Philena gushed about her "Delaware friend," even as she bragged about how the Governor of Alabama (John Anthony Winston) had asked her to accompany him to church. "I would not give my little Delaware friend (if I had him) for all the rich and great men of the south or any other part of the world," she declared (1854 April 9). Her visit to Washington was nonetheless a social triumph. In addition to attending a Catholic church and spending the afternoon with the Governor, Philena received invitations to visit "Ohio New Orleans &c" before returning to her home.

A letter from Mabell indicates that Philena's "true and honnerable little Farmer" died later that year: "it is a great sattisfaction to me that thee has been so wonderfully supported so far to bear up through thy many trials, and also that thee has received so much sympathy and kindness from his family and friends and also from thine" (1854 November 18). When Mabell continued, "I firmly trust that such warmth of feeling may never wax cold. I well know that it is often as thee says but I hope it will not be so in thy case," she might have been responding to a statement by Philena to the effect that she would now become a spinster rather than marry another.

The kinswomen were often separated, for they lived far enough away that visits had to be arranged. The most important aspect of the arrangements was locating a man willing to drive a woman from one town to another. Time and again, visits were put off indefinitely because the available escorts did not have the time or inclination to drive the women, and were "bitterly opposed" to letting them drive themselves. Having a beau at one's beck and call enhanced the chances of getting a ride, but beaux were not always in abundance (1851 Dec. 14). Phebe, a friend of Philena's who lived in West Chester, wrote, "thee was very kind to tell me the road to Delaware but the very thing I want I have not got and that is somebody to bring me" (1852 May 9). Another friend agreed that "men will not stop their work to let women abroad, at least ours won't" (1858 August 29).

Often the women had to rely on letters to maintain and sustain their friendships. Phebe consoled herself by telling Philena, "when i am writeing to thee it seems all most as though I was talking to thee i am very glad thare is sutch things as pens ink and paper for without them i don't know what would become of thee and me for if we cannot get to see one another we can at least write letters" (1852 July 17). "Writeing" was a struggle for many, including Phebe, and these correspondences often languished. Even if writing was not a struggle, finding the time in which to write could be a serious obstacle.

The liveliest letters were written by Philena's merry aunt Mabell, who often did get beyond listing who had died and what the weather was like. In the middle of a letter she interposed, "after writing this far I laid my pen & paper by to get supper for I am the maid of all work as the saying is. Some of the people in this place think it quite unlady like to go in to the kitchen so I think I must be extremely vulgar in their eyes for that is generly where I am to be found, but I don't care for all they can say about me I just feel as independent as a wood sawyer amongst them" (1851 August 10). She regularly made light of the tremendous amount of work she had to do. During a period when she was fixing breakfast for thirteen or more people before six o'clock every morning, she focused on her happiness that Emmor had more people helping with the harvest (1853 September 11). Another time she wrote, "We have been verry buissy all fall and winter sewing & quilting Butchering and various other things which we find to occupy our time. I have hardly been inside of a neighbours house except when some one was sick for the last six months" (1867 January 20).

The Kendalls and Entrikins were Quakers, but they did not write to each other about religious topics. The sole exception is an early letter from Richard Pryor to John Kendall, which is extremely religious in tone (1832 June 26). There are frequent -- but brief -- mentions of attending meeting. The only longer description is of "the largest meeting ever" held at the Kennett Square meeting house, but Philena's sister Emma does little more than comment on the vast quantity of carriages (1878 January 20).

The collection also includes two of Philena Kendall's handmade volumes of poetry, one composed of original poems and one a scrapbook of published pieces, both featuring painted paper wrappers. The collection of original poetry dates from December 1851 through February 1852, and consists of ten poems, eight of which are acrostics. Philena Kendall's 50-page scrapbook is dated 1853 and has over 150 clippings of printed poetry and articles pasted over the pages of the Foreign Missionary Chronicle, volume 7 (February 1839). While both volumes focus primarily on friendship, love, family relationships, and religion, the scrapbook also includes poems on death, nature, Native Americans, firemen, Whigs, slavery, and other topics. A news article on a "young mulatto" attempting to murder her employers' daughter also appears in the scrapbook, as well as an excerpt of a "Chinese Song."

A currently unidentified writer copied six Protestant Christian hymns and songs into this volume sometime around the 1850s. The 16 pages of text include "Montgomery", "The Romish Lady", "The Orphan's Song", "Gloom of Autumn", "Remember the poor; or, the Widow's Prayers" (by Rev. H. G. Barrus), "Dying Hymn" (by Alice Cary). The copyist wrote the hymns and songs in a slim blank book with blue-green covers. The front cover bears a printed decorative border at the center of which is an armored prince with sword and shield, standing before a seated Clio with two books and holding out a quill pen to him. Surrounding text explains the relationship between history and "men's great actions." The back cover bears a printed multiplication table and advertising information for Benjamin B. Mussey & Co., Publishers, Booksellers, and Stationers, 29 Cornhill, Boston (including a list of popular books and music books published by Mussey, and types of stationery supplies).

A currently unidentified writer copied six Protestant Christian hymns and songs into this volume sometime around the 1850s.

• "Montgomery"
• "The Romish Lady"
• "The Orphan's Song"
• "Gloom of Autumn"
• "Remember the poor; or, the Widow's Prayers" (by Rev. H. G. Barrus)
• "Dying Hymn" (by Alice Cary)

The copyist wrote the hymns and songs in a slim blank book with blue-green covers. The front cover bears a printed decorative border (with quills) at the center of which is an armored prince with sword and shield, standing before a seated Clio with two books and holding out a quill pen to him. Surrounding text explains the relationship between history and "men's great actions." The back cover bears a printed multiplication table and advertising information for Benjamin B. Mussey & Co., Publishers, Booksellers, and Stationers, 29 Cornhill, Boston (including a list of popular books and music books published by Mussey, and types of stationery supplies).

This account book, possibly kept by Simon Emery (1727-1790) of Kittery, Province of Massachusetts Bay, contains five pages of debts, credits, and memos related to court fees, hay, and agricultural labor. One receipt is laid into the volume. On the back cover is crass manuscript poem, "An Epitaph," respecting the death and burial of a teenage woman who refused to have sex with men or masturbate while alive.

This account book, possibly kept by Simon Emery (1727-1790) of Kittery, Province of Massachusetts Bay, contains five pages of debts, credits, and memos related to court fees, hay, and agricultural labor.

• Page 1: "Memorandm. to procure the Boston Post Bay for Monday July 27, 1752" and weighing of Emery's hay at Col. Sparhawks Barn 1763.
• Slip laid between blank pages 2-3: "MR Danel Emery I Desir you will bill these rites to Day to bee tried Monday com senet Jenery 2 1768."
• Pages 4-5: December 15, 1762-June 21, 1763, containing entries for debts owed in a court case: Simon Emery vs. Peter William, Jr., December 15, 1762. The entries were for "Blanks & fetching," "Currying to ye. Officer," "Proveing Account," judgement and taxing, travel and attendance, filing, and drawing writs. Below is a list of cases "vs Moses Wadlin," "vs Joseph Gatchel, Jr.," "vs David Boyce," "Wm. Parker, Esqr. vs Thomas Gubtail," "Simon Emery vs Abijah Stevens."
• Pages 6-9: Blank.
• Pages 10-11: Debts owed by Simon Emery, July 29, 1761-March 18, 1763. Twenty-eight entries for cash, with mostly unnamed recipients. One is with Noah Ricker. The accounts were for posting accounts, writing, "Quamphegon wth. corn," cash at Portsmouth, English hay to M. H., a days' work, and hay (Robts. & Smith).
• Pages 12-15: Blank.

On the back cover is a crass manuscript poem, "An Epitaph," respecting the death and burial of a teenage woman who refused to have sex with men or masturbate while alive:

"An Epitaph / Here lies the body of a Beauteous Maid / Whose Secret parts, No man Did Ev'r Invade / Scarce her own hand she would Admit to touch / That Virgin Spring Altho. it Itch'd so much / She Dyed at Eighteen years of Age, & then / She gave to worms what she Deny'd to men / It was her last request with Dying groans / To have no Tomb at all, if built with stones / Such Vigorous things she always us'd to wave / For fear they would Disturb her in the grave"

This account book, possibly kept by Simon Emery (1727-1790) of Kittery, Province of Massachusetts Bay, contains five pages of debts, credits, and memos related to court fees, hay, and agricultural labor. One receipt is laid into the volume. On the back cover is crass manuscript poem, "An Epitaph," respecting the death and burial of a teenage woman who refused to have sex with men or masturbate while alive.

This account book, possibly kept by Simon Emery (1727-1790) of Kittery, Province of Massachusetts Bay, contains five pages of debts, credits, and memos related to court fees, hay, and agricultural labor.

• Page 1: "Memorandm. to procure the Boston Post Bay for Monday July 27, 1752" and weighing of Emery's hay at Col. Sparhawks Barn 1763.
• Slip laid between blank pages 2-3: "MR Danel Emery I Desir you will bill these rites to Day to bee tried Monday com senet Jenery 2 1768."
• Pages 4-5: December 15, 1762-June 21, 1763, containing entries for debts owed in a court case: Simon Emery vs. Peter William, Jr., December 15, 1762. The entries were for "Blanks & fetching," "Currying to ye. Officer," "Proveing Account," judgement and taxing, travel and attendance, filing, and drawing writs. Below is a list of cases "vs Moses Wadlin," "vs Joseph Gatchel, Jr.," "vs David Boyce," "Wm. Parker, Esqr. vs Thomas Gubtail," "Simon Emery vs Abijah Stevens."
• Pages 6-9: Blank.
• Pages 10-11: Debts owed by Simon Emery, July 29, 1761-March 18, 1763. Twenty-eight entries for cash, with mostly unnamed recipients. One is with Noah Ricker. The accounts were for posting accounts, writing, "Quamphegon wth. corn," cash at Portsmouth, English hay to M. H., a days' work, and hay (Robts. & Smith).
• Pages 12-15: Blank.

On the back cover is a crass manuscript poem, "An Epitaph," respecting the death and burial of a teenage woman who refused to have sex with men or masturbate while alive:

"An Epitaph / Here lies the body of a Beauteous Maid / Whose Secret parts, No man Did Ev'r Invade / Scarce her own hand she would Admit to touch / That Virgin Spring Altho. it Itch'd so much / She Dyed at Eighteen years of Age, & then / She gave to worms what she Deny'd to men / It was her last request with Dying groans / To have no Tomb at all, if built with stones / Such Vigorous things she always us'd to wave / For fear they would Disturb her in the grave"

The Suckley family papers provide documentation of family life, mercantile business, and the Methodist Church in antebellum New York City.

This Suckley collection is only a small residuum of a much larger collection, yet what remains provides important documentation of several aspects of nineteenth century life, particularly relating to commercial life in antebellum New York City and the Methodist Church.

Boxes 1 and 2 consists primarily of in-coming correspondence dated between 1791 and 1839, centering on the personal and professional life of George Suckley, with the earliest material originating in the family of his first wife, Miss Lang, in England. The letters contain some information on English Methodism (1:1-6, 16-18). Of particular interest are the letters of the Methodist missionary, Francis Asbury (1:10-11) and of the wife of Richard Reece, who began his itinerant ministry in 1787 (The Christian Advocate and Journal, May 13, 1846, contains a brief sketch of Reece's life). The letters of Catherine Rutsen Suckley and Joseph Holdich include discussions of the Methodist Church in America, and the missionary Freeborn Garretson, is discussed in several letters (1:21-23,25,26,32).

George Suckley's business correspondence includes dealings with the English firm of Holy, Newbould and Suckley (1:33-42,47) and two sets of letters from agents who Suckley retained to manage his vast land holdings, John Reed in upstate New York and John Rangeley in Maine. Among the personal correspondence are several letters from Philadelphia lawyer(?) Cornelius Comegys and letters from three of George Suckley's sons. John Lang Suckley wrote frequently to request money to pay his servants; Rutsen Suckley assisted in managing his father's properties, and Thomas Holy Suckley was a college student.

Box 3 contains family correspondence written after George's death in 1846. Among the family members represented are George's children Rusten, Mary, and Thomas Holy Suckley, and his grandson Dr. George Suckley (1830-1869). George's letters are the most intrinsically interesting, as they were written during a period in the 1850s when he was practicing in Oregon and Washington Territory and considering land investments in California. During this same period, Dr. Suckley was the recipient of several letters from David and Jack Green (apparently cousins of some sort). One item (3:39) relates to George's Civil War service. The later correspondence heavily concerns New York charities. One interesting letter (3:52) is a stableman's apology for drunkenness on Christmas.

Boxes 5 through 9 are arranged in folders by subject. Of particularly interest are materials that document the various New York City rental properties owned by Rutsen Suckley, recording rents collected and upkeep expenses between the 1840s and 1870s. The cost of living in New York can be calculated from bills and receipts for a wide range of products and services.

The papers of the Talcott family of Vernon, Connecticut, and Rockville, Connecticut, are comprised largely of correspondence among various extended family members and friends. Two Talcott women, Martha and Sarah, attended Mount Holyoke Female Seminary.

The collection consists of 312 items:

217 letters, largely to and from the Talcott family;

69 school essays, mostly written by Martha and Sarah Talcott at Mount Holyoke Female Seminary;

2 engravings, of John B. Talcott.

24 miscellaneous items, including the Last Will and Testament of Amelia Talcott, items relating to the family business, and a detailed biographical sketch of John Talcott and his descendants.

Although much of the correspondence concerns the domestic life of the extended Talcott family, twenty-seven of the letters relate to the Talcott women’s education, and the lives and careers of fellow students. Martha Goodrich Robbins (later Talcott) received some level of schooling in the 1820s. In a letter of September 18, 1823, her brother Chauncey gives his view of the subject: "When you are down on your hands and knees, dressed in old tow cloth, weeding onions, it will be of but little service to you to know what are the fashions in New York, or how many parts of speech there are, or whether the earth is round or flat as a toad. It will not make the weeds come up any faster." In spite of this, two of Martha’s daughters attended Mount Holyoke Female Seminary.

One undated letter fragment, from a Mt. Holyoke instructor, Grace Stanton, to Sarah Talcott, describes in detail the reaction of a new student (Sarah Talcott) upon arrival at Mt. Holyoke -- how homesickness and the strangeness of her surroundings were soon transformed into affection and then love for the beautiful landscape, dedicated teachers and schoolmates. A letter (unsigned, dated May 1862) updates the class on current happenings in the lives of several of the women who graduated from Mt. Holyoke, some of whom were actively teaching, others who had married and were raising families, and several who were ill or taking care of ailing family members.

Another letter provides a description of a school mistress as imagined by Mt. Holyoke graduate Mary Perry, and reveals something of the bond that unites these women: "We, who are set apart from the rest of Eve's daughters as the 'Eddicators' of Papa's hopefuls and Mama's darlings. Who are neither married, nor given in marriage, whose black alpaca dresses always bear about a sprinkle of chalk dust -- whose second finger on the right bears the indelible ink stain, whose voices are always pitched on the sharps and minor keys, as being more euphonious to the sensitive ear -- weep for us...every step, motion and breath bespeaks her profession, stern, stiff, staid, prim & precise schoolmistress. This is a picture of our sisterhood, myself included, if the Fates so decree. I whisper amen, and Echo brings back the same word." (June 7, 1870, Lizzie L. to Mattie)

Religion was a strong influence at Mt. Holyoke and often appeared in the letters of its graduates. Mary Mclean wrote to Sarah Talcott, that "there are many who have learned 'the better way' within those hallowed walls, and have gone out from there with hearts devoted to the service of Christ, and vast, vast is the influence they are now exerting in this world of ours." (November 26, 1852) Another Mt. Holyoke classmate, deterred by ill health from pursuing a teaching career, resigned herself to passive endurance: "I doubt not, however, that I have a lesson to learn that could be learned in no other way; may God grant to be my instructor in this matter." (Mary Fitch to Sarah Talcott, December 21, 1858) Two undated letters refer to a prayer association, of which Martha Talcott is a member, formed of mothers and children in search of divine protection in the face of the ever-present threat of serious illness and early death.

The school essays reveal the thoughts of intelligent mid-nineteenth century young women on subjects of historic, religious, moral, and scientific interest, as well as descriptions of contemporary events. Many are mature reflections, written by Martha and Sarah Talcott in their late teens and twenties.

Only scattered references mention the family business, the Civil War, or other political or economic issues of the period. Domestic matters carry the day: family visits, illness and death, poultry reports, and the making of molasses candy (Martha Talcott school essay, March 3, 1866), to mention a few.

The Tracy family papers consist of letters written by members of a large family from Norwich, Connecticut while living away from home, including two letters from a missionary in India.

This collection is somewhat of a hodgepodge; a few curious lives come to light, but there are not enough letters to entirely flesh out the various writers, or connect the lives of what must have been a large, tight-knit family group. There are 4 letters written by Charles, shortly before his death, 6 letters from William, while he was in Philadelphia, 2 excellent letters from his wife Emily, written from India, 5 written by George, who went down to Mobile, 5 other family letters, 4 letters written by friends, including a female schoolteacher, and 8 letters written much later to Louise and Antoinette Tracy, who were trying to gather genealogical material.

The two most fascinating letters are from Emily, who described the Indians and their ways, as well as the missionary work that brought the Tracys to Southern India. Predictably, she was rather negative about the people she was there to convert. The combination of what she viewed as laziness and lying left her with little respect for the Indians. "I know of nothing in America, which is so universal, as falsehood is among this people, they have a proverb, 'that where the mouth opens a lie comes out,' and this seems to be litterally the case," she fulminated (1838 November 16).

After overpaying a couple times, she pronounced that "their great aim is to get all the money they can, and do as little as possible in return." To Emily, itinerant beggars were the embodiment of this aim, so distasteful to her Protestant work ethic: "You would be surprised to know what a quantity of persons there are in this country, whose business it is to go from village to village begging . . . some time ago one of these beggars came to me, and I said I cannot give you anything, you are a strong stout man, if you will do this work, I will pay you for it but I cannot encourage any body in idleness, who is able to work as you are, said he, 'it is not my custom to work, I am a beggar,' well then, said I, you can go, it is not my custom to support people who can work, but who are too lazy to do so."

Rats and mosquitoes disrupted their sleep, but an even greater trial of missionary life was the difficulty of remaining connected to the loved ones back in America. Writing to the Tracys, Emily asked if they knew why she had not heard from her own parents. After writing thirty letters and receiving no response, she had stopped writing, but not worrying (1839 February 13).

Emily's main preoccupation, however, remained the Tamil people, and she lamented, "Oh how easily are this people led captive by Satan at his will." Witnessing people unselfconsciously bathing in public, and married women performing a fertility ceremony "in the presence of multitudes of people without the least thought that their was any indelicacy in it" seemed to intensify her desire to "guide them to the Lamb of God, who taketh away the sins of the world."

While she was talking to some "deluded pagans" after they had completed their ceremonies, Emily was asked, "Where did you, a woman, get so much wisdom'"? She was struck that "this people seem not to get the idea, that a woman could know how to do anything else beside cook rice, carry burdens, and gather cow dung for fuel." Emily thought some of the women she spoke to were bright, and "looked as though they might have made smart intelligent women had they been properly educated, whereas now they seem scarcely to have a thought above their food and dress. O when will the time come when the blindness be taken from their eyes"?

Norwich was the home base of the Tracy family, and several of the daughters seem to have never left it, or each other. They probably all worked to earn their keep. William wrote to his sister Mary Ann, "I am glad to hear you have steady work some where or other as father will not have to work so hard as he did before you knew the trade" (1821 June 24). The sons, on the other hand, moved to other places to make a living, either because they wanted to see the world, or there was no future for them in Norwich. This collection of letters written to the women back home documents the men's struggles to get accustomed to being apart from those they were supposed to support, and be supported by. A New Year's greeting filled with religious exhortations is the only "out going" letter from Norwich, written by Susan to her brother Charles (1815 December 31). This intimates that the sisters provided their wandering brothers with religious and moral guidance, as well as keeping them apprised of local news.

Maintaining long-distance familial support was a challenge. Writing after Charles' death, David eloquently reassured his mother, "I feel the only legacy he has left writ deeply on my heart, to comfort and be all to you which we both might have been" (1818 May 1). He was relieved that his mother had visited Charles just before he died, and noted that he had "some of the dear boys hair which I mean to have set in something for my sisters." William told his sister Elizabeth why it was better that they did not live together: "I should like to see you, and be with you, but if we were always together, we should lose much of that pleasure which we feel at meeting after a long seperation, and when duty calls us apart we should yield to her voice with contentment" (1825 June 13). At the same time, he asked her to write to him more frequently, even if he had not responded, for "there are many of you, while I am alone," indicating his need for frequent contact with his family.

George had less time to spend thinking about the folks back home: "I have not been able to think of much except cotton -- it has been cotton from before day break, untill late in the evening. Some times it is eleven o'clock before I can leave the office. I have some times thought that there was more cotton in my head than there was in all the cotton factories in New England" (1831 May 29). Although he was unsure if he wanted to stay in Mobile and keep working in the cotton trade, he was still there a few years later -- but still talking of moving on: "My future exertions in business may be differently directed, but as I am not yet determined that it will, or if it is, in what way, I do not speak of it" (1834 March 10).

Lucinda, a properly educated female native of Norwich, did leave her home in order to make her living. Unlike the men, who stressed the flexibility of their business plans -- George in particular -- Lucinda felt trapped in her position. She wrote to Sarah, "I thought if I should leave my school it would be uncertain when or where I could collect one again. This is the way in which I expect to gain my support & it is best for me to keep with my business. Don't you think so?" (1832 April 14). She rhapsodized about the haunts of her childhood home in a rather morose fashion, and blamed her melancholy on being spurned by a friend, whose desertion had left her quite alone with her pupils.