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The Albert Wilder papers primarily consist of Wilder's letters home to his sister, Sarah, and brother-in-law, William, while he served in the Civil War. Wilder enlisted in the 39th Massachusetts Infantry in 1862 at the age of 21 and died after being wounded near Spotsylvania, Pennsylvania, 1864.

The Albert Wilder Civil War letters are written almost entirely to his sister, Sarah, and her husband, William, whose last name may have been Flaisdell. One letter, written from the hospital following his wounding, is addressed to his mother, and the final letter in the collection, written a week before his death, is badly tattered, showing how much it was fondled, read and reread, as a relic from the late Albert. Because his regiment saw so little military action for so long, the war news which Albert encloses in his letters is almost entirely second hand; he had little to report first-hand. There are no letters at all for three months after Mine Run, suggesting that the collection may be incomplete.

A constant theme of the early letters is advice to friends back home as to whether or not they should come to the war. He advises his married brother-in-law to stay at home, because there are enough single men to fight the war. He discusses the shoe trade back home in Massachusetts, and politics in the home state, with some information on camp life and the common soldiers' perspective on the leaders of the war. His letters to William are more substantive on the whole; those to Sarah are little more than one-liners in answer to her letters.

Two letters in the collection were written by James R. French to his parents. Men from the French family were in the 39th Massachusetts, but James was not among them. His letters are semi-literate, but illustrate well the quality of life found in the lower (rural?) class: he writes that morale in the regiment is low "sens we found out we ar fitine for nigers" and admonishes his parents to keep the money he sends to them: "I dont want that wife of mine if I must carle her wife to have a sent of it."

Clinton H. Haskell Civil War collection contains miscellaneous letters, military orders, telegrams, and documents related to the Civil War.

Clinton H. Haskell Civil War collection (120 items) contains miscellaneous letters, military orders, telegrams, and documents related to the Civil War from 1843 to 1895. The bulk of the collection is comprised of letters written by army officers and politicians, both Union and Confederate, during and after the Civil War.

This collection consists of 113 letters, written primarily between Union soldier Doctor Tarbell and his fiancée, and later, wife, Mary Lucy Conant. Doctor served as a Sergeant in New York's 32nd Infantry, Co. A, and as a Lieutenant, Captain, and Brevet Major in the Commissary Regiment, U.S. Volunteers.

The Doctor Tarbell and Mary Conant papers are comprised of 112 letters, written primarily between Union soldier Doctor Tarbell and his fiancée (and later wife), Mary Lucy Conant, and one genealogical document. Doctor served as a sergeant in the New York 32nd Infantry, Co. A, and as a lieutenant, captain, and brevet major in the U.S. Volunteers. The collection covers Doctor’s war-time service in the Union Army and some of his post-war career. The Civil War letters form a remarkably dense series that highlights the intimate relationship of Tarbell and his fiancée Mary. The collection contains 35 letters from Doctor to Mary, and 46 letters from Mary to Doctor, mainly during 1864 and 1865. Additionally, Doctor wrote one letter to his parents T. B. and Lydia Tarbell, and received two letters from them and two from his siblings. The remaining 29 letters are either from relatives of Mary or they pertain to post-war activities of the Tarbells.

Both Tarbell and his fiancée wrote in an educated and literary style; their letters reveal an affectionate relationship. Between January and February 1864, both Tarbell and Conant wrote almost exclusively about their relationship. However, as the Army of the Potomac moved south, both writers began to focus more on the progress of the war and to assume a more fervently patriotic tone. Many of Mary's letters contain political asides ("Does the Army weary of Gen. Meade, or is it politicians & aspirants that wish to oust him?" March 13, 1864); references to life at home during wartime; and several extended lyrical passages and pro-Union sentiments. Tarbell's responses, which were also substantive and descriptive, often referred to military matters, his work as a commissary, and army morale.

At times, Tarbell's patriotism and pride in his commission shine through, as during his company's inspection by General Ulysses S. Grant (April 18, 1864). Tarbell described the journey down to Richmond, his regiment's movements, what he knew of the progress of the war, the actions of the 6th Cavalry Corps, and his encounters with southern civilians. He wrote to both Mary and his parents from Danville Military Prison, expressing his hopes that an exchange of officers was imminent (October 22, 1864, and November 20, 1864). After his release, he recounted the parades in Washington, D.C. following the ending of the war, and the review of General Sherman’s Army (May 25, 1865). On July 28, 1865, he mentioned his promotion to brevet major.

The 5 letters written to Mary during Tarbell's imprisonment are filled with sympathy and encouragement, along with family news. In a letter from Mary's young niece, Hattie Carpenter, she described the return of soldiers to Iowa (January 15, 1865). Mary A. E. Wages wrote to Miss Hardy requesting funds to establish a freedman's high school in Richmond: "The black people of Richmond are the only loyal people in the whole city...They not only need help, but are worthy objects of it" (Nov. 18, 1866).

The 13 letters from 1881 suggest that the Tarbells were in some unspecified financial difficulty, and that Doctor had been employed as a typewriter agent. The remaining 10 letters were written by Tarbell or Conant relatives and friends.

This collection also contains one genealogical document that lists the birth and marriage dates for members of the Conant and Tarbell families (1793-1884). Included is a list of Doctor and Mary Tarbell's children. This document is undated and unattributed.

The journal of E. Augustus Garrison documents his work as a lay preacher to his family's slaves, duties as a sergeant in the 2nd Mississippi Infantry Battalion (later the 48th Mississippi Infantry) and chaplain to the 48th Mississippi Infantry, and post-Civil War efforts to reconstruct his (prewar) life as a cotton planter.

As the journal of E. Augustus Garrison opens, the Civil War looms as a reality just beginning to touch his home in Copiah County, Miss., and it ends eight years later, after his life has taken a complete and irreversible turn. From his trials as a lay preacher to his family's slaves, through duty as a sergeant in the 2nd Mississippi Infantry Battalion (later the 48th Mississippi Infantry) and chaplain to the 48th Mississippi Infantry, to his scrapping efforts to reconstruct the genteel life he had known before the war as a cotton planter, Garrison's journal probes deeply into the mentality of a young man coming to grips with the enormous changes confronting the nation in the 1860s.

During the war, Garrison kept his journal only sporadically, and most of his military experiences are recounted in memoir form, written after the fact from recollection, notes, or other journals. The narrative veers in form from daily journal to memoir, sometimes seamlessly, sometimes with odd gaps or elisions. This organization leads to some periods far better documented than others. Particularly well documented are those periods while Garrison was at home before enlisting, and on leave during the first five months of 1863 and in October, 1864 -- precisely when his military duties were at a minimum. Though written after the fact, his descriptions of the Peninsular Campaign are fine accounts of the clever campaign waged by Confederate commanders to delay the advance of the Army of the Potomac, and though far briefer, his accounts of Antietam, Fredericksburg, the Wilderness, Spotsylvania and Petersburg, particularly the Crater, provide useful, small anecdotes. But it is Garrison's willful decision to ignore the changing tide of fortunes of Confederate arms, his desire utterly to ignore federal victories on either the small scale or grand that makes his memoirs so interesting. His pervasive belief in the righteousness of his cause and his faith in Confederate arms arches over everything, leaving him secure in his belief that Southern manhood was never defeated, and unable to accept the changes in status that resulted from the loss of the war.

The hardships of the first four years of Reconstruction are well portrayed in the second half of the journal, and historically, are among the most important parts of the journal. A palpable sense of the pain, arrogance, and indignation that characterize Garrison's attitude smolders in his heart before leaping into the flames of family turmoil. The quixotic mixture of doting upon his infant son and bitter criticism of his parents and wife appears to arise directly out of Garrison's changing social and political position, filtered through the personal, and in this way the journal provides an intimate sense of the adjustments that many southern planters endured during Reconstruction, and their ways of coping with a new political system in which the possibility of equality seemed to threaten. Through Garrison's eyes as well, a more diffuse view of some of the adjustments required of freedmen emerges, as the transition from slavery, through contract labor into sharecropping runs full cycle.

Among numerous vignettes from the Reconstruction period worth noting is a curious account of a Black man, Dr. Dab, making a stir by claiming to identify thieves and recover stolen objects, and an interesting encounter between an elderly former slave, Aunt Silva, and Garrison over the apparent decline in his faith. When Aunt Silva inquired why Garrison did not preach to the "black folks" like he used to, he replied "I have not seen a week since I neglected my Christian duties, but what I have had serious thoughts, and my conscience would often reprove me, and this old negroes words were the right ones, I felt they were sent by the spirit, I made some feeble reply, but we conversed together for a half hour on religious topics, and she knowing my case, cause of coldness &c, gave me sound advice, 'to look up' 'Cast your burden on the Lord &c' and it did me good" (p. 175-176). While such stories are very brief, to some degree they suggest the manner in which Black and white spiritual expression had grown together in the South.

The George C. Nichols papers document Nichols' service with the 25th Massachusetts Infantry, including participation at the battles of Roanoke Island and New Bern, stays in hospitals, and changing attitudes toward the war.

The George C. Nichols papers consist of 36 letters written by Nichols to family members during his service with the 25th Massachusetts Infantry. His letters span October 5, 1861, to February 21, 1865. The tone of Nichols' correspondence changes drastically over the three years that it represents. Early letters describe the "fun" and "good times" that he had while occupied as a guard (October 5, 1861) and as a sailor on the steamer New York (January 10, 1862). However, by the summer of 1862, news of bad food and illness dominates the correspondence, as Nichols had begun a series of hospital stays. On August 10, 1862, Nichols wrote, "I wish I was out of this damd hot place & out of this war[.] don't you tell aney one for it would go al over the street that I was sick of it…" (August 10, 1862). In letters from this point on, Nichols wrote about such topics as his treatment at Beaufort Hospital, including care by nuns (September 21, 1862), his thoughts on the progress of the war (June 21, 1863 -- "The Rebs are making a raid up into Pennsylvania. I am glad of it the North are a sleep and hav [sic] been for the last six months they dont seem to care much about the War…"), and his desire to return home. Although Nichols barely mentioned the action that he saw as a soldier, his letters clearly document his morale and medical treatment. Several sources state that George C. Nichols of the 25th Massachusetts Infantry was captured at the siege of Petersburg on May 16, 1864; unfortunately, his letters, which are concentrated around 1862-1863, never address his capture or time in prison.

The Henry Grimes Marshall papers consist of letters written by Marshall to his family while serving with the Union Army, including time spent as an officer in the 29th Connecticut Infantry Regiment (Colored). Marshall's letters describe the events taking place around him as well as his thoughts about African American regiments, women's roles in war, and his reactions to the war.

Henry Marshall is among those writers whose letters provide insight into the workings of the mind, but also the workings of the heart. As a result, his surviving correspondence ranks among the outstanding collections in the Schoff Civil War Collections, providing a sensitive and deeply introspective view into the experience of a white officer in a "colored" regiment. An exquisite writer, Marshall was also among the most punctual of correspondents, rarely allowing a week to pass without sending something to his family at home. As a result of this fidelity and his meticulous eye for detail, it is possible to reconstruct nearly every day of Marshall's life under arms, the swings in his emotions, and the sudden changes in fortune that marked his career.

The high point of the collection is a remarkable series of letters written while Marshall was captain of Co. E, 29th Connecticut Infantry (Colored). Unlike the vast majority of white Americans, Marshall saw African-Americans as capable soldiers, brave and willing, and though afflicted with an unrelenting paternalism and sense of his own racial superiority, he generally refrained from swinging to the romantic extremes of many white abolitionists or the vicious extremes of his more racist compatriots. Marshall provides good accounts of daily life in camp, the inevitable rumors circulating among the soldiers, and opinions of officers. Of particular value are the ruminations on African American troops and their officers, living conditions while on duty guarding plantations in South Carolina or in the trenches before Petersburg, and the heavy labor while working at construction of the Dutch Gap Canal.

Among the military engagements described by Marshall are Fredericksburg, the sieges of Suffolk and Petersburg (particularly the battles of New Market, Darbytown Road and the Darbytown and New Market Roads), and the capture of Richmond. Furthermore, Marshall was involved in a number of minor skirmishes, many of which are exceptionally well documented. Overall, the best accounts are those for New Market Heights, where African American troops again distinguished themselves, and for a smaller, but significant skirmish during the Petersburg Campaign on October 12 and 13, 1864.

Marshall's letters are made more valuable in that his observational scope extends beyond the military, to report on such things as contraband children's schools (April 30, 1863), "shouts" and religious services (1864 July 5), and the local civilianry. An educated man with a keen interest in botany, he frequently sent home lengthy descriptions of southern flowers, often enclosing samples and seeds, and he left a rare record of the reading material available to a soldier. Marshall was also a keen observer of the religious life in his regiment, writing scathing attacks on his regiment's chaplain, whom Marshall felt was suspect of character.

Henry J. Johnson was a proponent of the secession of West Virginia from Virginia. Johnson acted on his principals in the fall of 1861, enlisting for duty as a corporal in the federal 1st (West) Virginia Infantry. The Johnson papers consist of 52 letters written by Johnson to his sister, Clara, and three documents relating to Johnson's career in the 1st West Virginia Infantry.

The Johnson papers consist of 52 letters written by Henry J. Johnson to his sister, Clara, and three documents relating to Henry's career in the 1st West Virginia Infantry. The letters, particularly the first few, contain useful reports of minor military incidents, but by and large, the correspondence contains little information on actual battles or campaigns. Johnson writes frequently of his acquaintances, both civilian and soldier, and these comments create an interesting impression of life in his hometown, Wellsburg, West Virginia, and in the West Virginia and Maryland countryside around the head of the Shenandoah Valley.

Of particular interest in the collection are Johnson's comments on the efforts of western Virginia to remain within the Union and separate from its Confederate origins. His own hometown was so severely divided that many people took a malicious pleasure in the misfortunes of neighbors who had joined the "enemy." Johnson himself was a Union man through-and-through, yet an outspoken opponent of the anti-slavery movement and of firebrands like the "infernal abolitionist" Owen Lovejoy.

For military history, Johnson's account of the abortive effort to cut off Lee's escape from Pennsylvania after Gettysburg is intriguing for what it says about the toll exacted on the Army of Northern Virginia, and in another letter, he includes an interesting anecdote about a soldier's surprise visit to General Irwin McDowell's quarters.

Virtually all of Henry Pippitt's surviving Civil War correspondence consists of letters addressed to his mother, Rebecca, documenting two intertwining themes: the Petersburg Campaign from start to finish, and Pippitt's personal campaign to keep himself and his family in good order.Pippitt's letters offer commentary on the last year of the war as seen through the eyes of a young working class man, grown up far beyond his years.

Virtually all of Henry Pippitt's surviving Civil War correspondence consists of letters addressed to his mother, Rebecca, documenting two intertwining themes: the Petersburg Campaign from start to finish, and Pippitt's personal campaign to keep himself and his family in good order. Well written, if not particularly polished, Pippitt's letters offer fine commentary on the last year of the war as seen through the eyes of a young working class man, grown up far beyond his years.

Pippitt's personal struggles weave throughout the collection, surfacing at numerous points, and his various ways of dealing with his ragged home life are reflective both of the depth of his difficulties and his resourcefulness. He alternately castigates, cajoles, threatens or ignores his dead beat father, does his best to assuage his mother's depression over losing her son to the army, and her jealousy of the woman he courts, and he does his best to deal with or explain away his financial problems and his own lapses into drink. Throughout all of his experiences, military and personal, Pippitt matures physically, mentally, and emotionally.

Of particular interest is the letter of September 4, 1864, in which Pippitt describes why he is (again) out of cash. After sketching a somewhat fantastic tale of heavy rains, floods, and an entire camp swept away in the deluge, he swears that the story is the truth and not a lie. This and other letters illustrate an interesting dichotomy in Pippitt's character. Having grown up in a lower-class family, he is constantly aware of the shortage of money, both in camp and at home, but despite his frequent promises to send home sizable sums, he manages to fritter away most of his pay and at times, dips liberally into the already slender family purse to supply himself with what he calls "necessaries."

In more narrowly military terms, the collection contains several brief, but powerful letters describing the hard life in the Petersburg trenches, skirmishes, and the battles of Petersburg, the Crater, and Cold Harbor. A curious side note is Pippitt's tale of the Confederate defenders of Petersburg under-mining Union forts facing the city following the Crater disaster. The series of letters written from Point of Rocks and Chafin's Farm illustrate not only the constricting stagnation of the siege effort during the winter of 1864-65, but the gradually deteriorating morale of the Confederate forces, seen in a flood tide of deserters.

Finally, Pippitt's use of language is often as interesting as what he says. His use of phrases such as "dead beat" (24:45), "helter skelter" (24:66), "if he don't like it, he can lump it" (24:37), or "let [the landlord] know that you haint a going to be shit on by him" (24:38) seem thoroughly up to date, and are an excellent record of urban, working-class patterns of speech.

Jacob van Zwaluwenburg's memoir contains a discussion of his experiences during the Civil War along with an account of his childhood in the Netherlands and America.

Jacob van Zwaluwenburg's autobiography contains discussion of his experiences during the Civil War along with an account of his childhood in the Netherlands and America. He discusses his family, schooling, and religious upbringing in the Hervormde Kerk (Reformed Church in the Netherlands). He describes the ocean voyage and Erie Canal journey which brought the family to Michigan.

Van Zwaluwenburg describes his wartime experiences in the 16th U.S. Infantry, from his humorous efforts to volunteer through the end of his enlistment. He provides particularly detailed descriptions of the battles of Shiloh and Stones River and the fighting around Chattanooga. His account centers on the experiences of a private and strays little into the fields of politics and the evaluation of generals. Although there are a few geographical and chronological errors, the account provides an interesting view of the common soldier in the regular army.

The journal is in both manuscript and typescript; however, the two are not entirely the same. The typescript copy, 36 pages long, follows the manuscript copy, 33 pages long, with only minor differences until page 18 of the manuscript and page 22 of the typescript. From this point the copies differ greatly, although they cover roughly the same events. The manuscript is incomplete, lacking an ending.

The papers of spiritualist and writing medium James V. Mansfield (1817-1899) are made up of correspondence, diaries, client record books, testimonials, documents, photographs, printed items, printing blocks and plates, writings, artwork, ephemera, and other materials, largely dating between 1859 and 1883. Mansfield was a prolific writer and careful observer, who shared details on working as a spiritualist in San Francisco, California, between 1862 and 1864, and in New York after the American Civil War through the early 1880s. He reported and reflected on everyday life, cultural topics, social and political happenings, spiritualists and spiritualism, religion, personal and professional financial matters, business and trade, physical surroundings, scenery, and more. His voluminous writings include over 21,400 pages of letters; around 780 pages of diary entries between 1866 and 1871; 21 client record books and ledgers; and additional writings. Also included are client and spirit communications, and letters of J. V. Mansfield's spouse Mary Hopkinson Mansfield and son John W. Mansfield, largely between the 1850s and 1910s.

The papers of spiritualist and writing medium James V. Mansfield (1817-1899) are made up of correspondence, diaries, client record books, testimonials, documents, photographs, printed items, printing blocks and plates, writings, artwork, ephemera, and other materials, largely dating between 1859 and 1883. Mansfield was a prolific writer and careful observer, who shared details on working as a spiritualist in San Francisco, California, between 1862 and 1864, and in New York after the American Civil War through the early 1880s. He reported and reflected on everyday life, cultural topics, social and political happenings, spiritualists and spiritualism, religion, personal and professional financial matters, business and trade, physical surroundings, scenery, and more.

Mansfield's voluminous writings include 11,903 pages of letters home to his wife and children while living in San Francisco between 1862 and 1864; 8,819 pages of letters from New York City (largely to his son J. W. Mansfield) between 1871 and 1882; around 780 pages of diary entries between 1866 and 1871; 21 client record books and ledgers; and more. Also included are client and spirit communications, letters of seamstress Mary Hopkinson Mansfield and artist John W. Mansfield largely between the 1850s and 1910s, photographs, prints, advertisements, printing blocks, artwork on paper, testimonials, documents, and much more.

The Correspondence Series is comprised of 35 letterbooks containing 11,903 pages of letters by James V. Mansfield from San Francisco, California, to his family in Chelsea, Massachusetts, between 1862 and 1864. In addition, between 1844 and 1928, 219 letters were exchanged between James V. Mansfield, his spouse Mary Hopkinson Mansfield, his son John Worthington Mansfield, and others. The bulk of these are 126 letters (8,819 pages) by James V. Mansfield from New York City, largely to his son John W. Mansfield between 1871 and 1882. Also present are 50 letters and communications from J. V. Mansfield's clients and spirits between 1856 and 1887; and a group of 43 letters, copied extracts, and reflections collected by Mary H. Mansfield about her husband's spiritualist services between 1858 and 1882.

Letterbooks by James V. Mansfield, San Francisco, California, 1862-1864.

James V. Mansfield wrote 11,903 pages of journal-like letters to his spouse and children, while he was in San Francisco, California, between 1862 and 1864. These letters were written in 35 bound volumes with paper covers. Mansfield appears to have sent the letterbooks to his family in Chelsea, Massachusetts, as his spouse Mary H. Mansfield marked the dates she received them. In the first letter, beginning on Monday, March 7, 1862, J. V. Mansfield recounted his journey from New York City to San Francisco, California. He traveled aboard the ship North Star until he reached the Isthmus of Panama, and then continued the rest of his journey on the Sonora. He described the deplorable conditions on the overly crowded ships, including shortages of food and clean drinking water, and flea and bedbug infestations in the sleeping quarters. He also reported his first impressions of San Francisco, such as the general appearance and attitudes of the people, as well as the climate and geography.

His correspondence illuminates the social conditions and cultural life of San Francisco. Mansfield described the diverse array of people he encountered, social attitudes, and ethnic and nationalist tensions. In addition to indigenous peoples of California, immigrants from Mexico, China, Ireland, and Germany were all living in the city in substantial numbers. Those from China and Ireland comprised the largest immigrant groups that he observed. Many people had also traveled from the East Coast or the southern states to San Francisco. Some of these newcomers found work as miners or servants. Like Mansfield, many New Englanders came to California with the intention of staying only for a short period of time before returning home.

Although San Francisco was far removed from the operations of the Civil War, the people felt the impact of Confederate and Union victories and defeats. J. V. Mansfield was deeply concerned by the war and recorded his impressions of the news of battles as was reported in San Francisco. Mansfield witnessed discrimination against African Americans and frequently encountered anti-Union sentiments. He noted, for example, "...they will not for a long time submit to allow the colored man or woman the same rights, same privileges as they themselves claim a Strong Southern feeling is Evident on the face of things here" (volume 25:224). He related examples of African Americans being barred from privileges the white people enjoyed, such as not being able to ride on steam engines and in horse carriages. One such case was brought before a municipal judge, who decided in favor of the persons of African descent, granting them the right to use public transportation.

Mansfield observed vast differences between New Englanders and the people in California. Of the latter he wrote, "...they are a hard set of people driving on from 4. O.clock in the morning till 10 or 12. O.clock at night, their general appearance is of Brown Complexion long hair, long whiskers, and not more than one in 4 Ever shave; so you can imagine what for a looking people they are and all invariably Chew & Smoke Tobaco, & drink the meanest Kind of Whiskey. Consequently they swear much and their word is not usually worth a fig either, under or with out oath" (volume 14:115-116). Throughout the letters, he gave a substantial amount of commentary on the indigenous peoples of California and of Native Americans in general, of whom his opinion was not high. He thought Native Americans deliberately interfered with mail sent overland, especially when he had not received his wife's letters: "...the mails are to be conveyed by steam and not overland -- you see the trouble the Indians gave the mail carriers..." (volume 1:16-17). He did recognize the atrocities white people committed against them, and later believed that Native Americans were not at fault for poor mail service.

James Mansfield also provided substantive commentary on sex and gender, noting differences between women on the East Coast and in San Francisco, especially in terms of appearance and dress. He wrote about feminine beauty and was quick to note the physical aspects of women he encountered, and whether or not they were sufficiently attractive in his view. He described women from different ethnic backgrounds, including Chinese and Irish immigrant women. A number of the former worked as prostitutes, while the latter were overwhelmingly employed as servants. In several instances, he remarked on the hard life these women endured, especially those who worked as domestic servants. He also noted differences between the ways in which "Western" and "Eastern" women were treated, especially after noticing public displays of subservience among Chinese women.

J. V. Mansfield provided significant commentary on San Francisco marketplaces. He found a variety of foods that he had not seen before, or at least in such abundance. The overwhelming plentitude of fruits of all kinds included strawberries, cherries, apples, pineapples, bananas, figs, peaches, mangoes, pears, grapes, oranges, and watermelon. He also related what he ate for his daily meals and the prices of food. Wine was widely available, which "they drink here as they would water in the East" (volume 13:83). Mansfield periodically visited his brother and sister-in-law, Jera (1825-1896) and Ellen G. Estabrook Mansfield (1836-1917), who had moved to Napa several years before his arrival. There, they planted a vineyard, where Mansfield was first exposed to the blossoming wine culture in California.

J. V. Mansfield became acquainted with prominent people in San Francisco. The one who perhaps had the greatest influence on him was the preacher Thomas Starr King (1824-1864). Mansfield dutifully attended King's sermons every Sunday, and wrote about him profusely, including his impact on the city. He considered King to be one of the greatest minds of the 19th century. When King died on March 4, 1864, the city mourned, including Mansfield. Shortly after his death he wrote, "How lovely the Sabbath morning appears to those who were wont to attend Thos Starr King's meeting there is no use his departure has created a vacuum that cannot be filled in the minds in the hearts of this people--The Bell Tolls now for church service, but it has lost its charm for me. it seems like tolling for the funeral requiem of the great good man rather than an invitation to listen to his heavenly, soul stiring thoughts..." (volume 34: 509). With the exception of fellow spiritualist Emma Hardinge (1823-1899), Mansfield wrote of no other person with such admiration.

Spiritualism and the general religious community figured prominently in his correspondence. Although he referred to himself as the "notorious Spiritual Writing Medium" (volume 2:51), his being a public persona did not always guarantee financial success. He did procure enough business to send money to his family on a regular basis, via Wells Fargo and Company. Mansfield often gave detailed accounts of his séances, revealing the names and messages of the spirits. He described a variety of individuals who came to him to communicate with the deceased, some wanting advice, others seeking comfort in the wake of the death of a loved one. Publicly prominent people also wished to utilize his talents, including Mary Todd Lincoln (1818-1882). He wrote spirit communications in different languages and alphabets, most of which he claimed to not know. He frequently spoke of other mediums, especially Emma Hardinge, the eminent clairvoyant and public speaker. After much encouragement, Mansfield convinced her to travel to San Francisco, thinking her talents would earn her great success. Once in California, Hardinge's lectures attracted sizeable crowds that rivaled those of Thomas Starr King.

Chronological Correspondence, James V. Mansfield's letters from New York City, etc., 1844-1928.

The chronological correspondence is made up of 219 items dating from 1844 to 1928, and they are largely addressed to John W. Mansfield from his father James V. Mansfield. Other members of the Mansfield and Hopkinson family also contributed and received letters, including James' sister-in-law Ellen "Nellie" Mansfield, who resided in Napa Valley, California, and Mary Hopkinson Mansfield's family in Salem, Vermont.

The substantial portion is 126 letters (8,819 pages) by James V. Mansfield from New York City, largely to his son John W. Mansfield between 1871 and 1882 (bulk 1871-1877). Some of them have appended letters by John's mother and sister. They provide a vivid account of Mansfield's time in New York City, and of his travels to Burlington, Iowa; Chicago and Quincy, Illinois; Denver, Colorado; Boston, Massachusetts; Saratoga Springs, New York; and Derby and Salem, Vermont. James V., Mary H., Mary G., and John W. Mansfield each contributed their perspectives in the letters, revealing much about the family's lives and activities.

J. V. Mansfield typically began his journal-like letters with a description of his previous letter, providing variably the number of pages he wrote, the date posted, postage rates, steamship names and routes, and the expected arrival time to Europe. Each letter, many spanning two weeks and reaching over 100 pages, often contained various enclosures such as documents, envelopes, newspaper clippings, ephemera, and postage stamps.

At the time of his earliest letter to his son John in Europe, J. V. Mansfield resided at 361 Sixth Ave, New York. The father wrote detailed observations about the city, the United States, and Europe. His correspondence covers a wide range of subjects, touching on economics, market trends and prices, healthcare, homeopathic medicine, politics, bank exchange rates (typically sending to his son via John Monroe & Co. at No. 8, Wall Street), current cases in the New York courts, post office systems, religion (Baptists, Shakers, Quakers, Catholics, Methodists, Evangelicalism, Sectarians), Spiritualism and Spiritualists, and a wealth of details about everyday life.

James V. Mansfield wrote extensively about Spiritualism, his work as a writing medium, other Spiritualists, and the place of Spiritualism in his own worldview. Interacting with clients was often an every-day experience for Mansfield and he commonly wrote about the individuals who sent him letters or came into his parlor for a sitting/séance. He included their names, where they wrote from, the spirits they sought to contact, the reasons clients sought him out, and sometimes whether or not the contact was successful. Mansfield wrote, "One man asks, Had he better move West. Another asks, shall he sell His property or Keep it for a rise. Another wants his Father to tell Him what number in the Kentucky Lottery will be the Lucky one. another wishes to know If she will succeed in driving a mans wife away, & & [sic.] will he marry her. another, yesterday, asked me If I could tell, If She was then 3 months with child, as the Dutchman said 'mine Got vats a people'" (letter beginning February 25, 1876, page 43). One reflection on a client was about U.S. Vice President Henry Wilson, who had visited him on August 14, 1875, to communicate with the spirits of his wife Harriet Howe Wilson and son Henry Hamilton Wilson. Following V.P. Wilson's own death on November 22, 1875, Mansfield wrote:

"The hour of the Clock is now 4 P.M the Body of Henry Wilson has passed to the 42 Station Depo. the crowd on Broadway was immense, nearly as large as that of Abraham Lincolns Funeral while passing through New York. Well the great Man has passed into another sphere of Existence, an Existence of Conscious individuality, to day I have no doubt, but he is with His dear Wife Harriet Howe Wilson and His Son Col. Henry Hamilton Wilson both of which He Communicated with through my hand Augt/14/75 at Saratoga Springs N.Y. the great man wept tears of Joy, as he read endearing words from His wife and son." (letter beginning November 27, 1875, page 5).

J. V. Mansfield occasionally gave readings at public venues such as Republican Hall and the Masonic Temple. On, January 31, 1876, for example, Mansfield was requested to speak and perform spirit communications for members of the public. He wrote: "Last Evening I gave a public seance at Republican Hall 33d Street, the Hall was packed to its fullest capacity, I put into the Society hands 110$, I gave 32 tests in a promiscuous Audience, without writing Simply Calling out those I see in the audience I have never before given more then 29 of an Eve" (letter beginning February 1, 1876, page 16).

Mansfield described the state of spiritualism in New York throughout his letters. He wrote, for example, "Notwithstanding, spiritualism /ie/ modern spiritualism was born in the state of New York, perhaps there is no state in the United States that pays less attention to the subject than N.Y. state. In the City of New York there is said to be ten thousand spiritualists and among them all, it is difficult to Raise sufficient means from the crowd to pay the Sunday speakers say nothing about paying expenses of the Halls" (letter beginning March 7, 1874, page 17). Another example passage is: "Spiritualism has yet to have its trials, at the present time the Spiritualists of America have no recognized system of religious worship--unless it be to be at war with Every other ism that does not accept its ism they boast of these 40 000 000 of believers, and when assailed by sectarian church order, there is not over about 15 persons in all New York City that can be found to Stand Battle, & they are so soon vanquished by Superior forces, that really the Spiritualists of New York, are not a drop, compared to the Quantity of water, in the Atlantic Ocean, with those they have to Contend with" (letter beginning October 20, 1875, pages 37-38).

In 1878, the Modern Spiritualists Society held a Thirtieth Anniversary of Modern Spiritualism gathering at Republican Hall, with speakers including a number of persons that are present throughout Mansfield's correspondence. Some of the spiritualist men and women mentioned in Mansfield's letters are his friend Emma Hardinge / Emma Hardinge Britten, Professor S. B. Brittan (i.e. Samuel Byron Brittan), J. J. Morse (i.e. James Johnson Morse), clairvoyant Dr. John Ballou Newbrough, trance medium Emma Jay Bullene, and others.

Spiritualism provided Mansfield with comfort when he struggled. He wrote, for example, "Was it not that I know the Spiritualists have the only rational demonstrated assurance of an after life, I would weigh anchor, where I am, & go ashore, and persue another course, rather than to Endure the tortures I am subjected to, in order to get along, and keep body and soul together. Out of the 13 hours waking moments I dare say I am thinking how will I be able to pay my way the next week, a continual perplexity of mind, a Longing to depart and if such there be rest for the weary, I hope to find it. I well appreciate the feelings, or the spirit that prompted the Psalmist to say & write, 'I would not live alway.'" [NB: Job 7:16, King James Version] (letter beginning October 20, 1875, pages 38-39).

Mansfield spent time writing about the practices of other mediums and offered skeptical and critical evaluations of spirit photography and materializations. He found most instances of the former to be deceptive. Mansfield reported, for example, that a petition from Paris, France, circulated at the Hall he attended. The signers were to be presented at the French legislation as an act of sympathy for a man in prison "for making bogus Photographs of departed spirits." Mansfield wrote, "I dare Say he will get many Signers, and it will be duly forwarded by Mr Andrew Jackson Davis to whomever the petition has been Confided. Generally I believe the man L. has been considered a tool in the hands of others who used them for bad purposes" (letter beginning January 31, 1876, page 19). He also described a "Lady Medium" in the city who held circles at her house at least three times a week and had hundreds in attendance. She claimed to materialize things like fresh produce from the spirit world to the physical world. Mansfield found her activities fraudulent, writing, "She plays upon them. She brings in a Basket of Potatoes, Beets, Turnips, Cabbages, Pumpkins and all such tricks, and pretends the spirits brought them in when In fact She had bought them not two hours before at the grocery not ten rods from her house this is why the world cries" (letter beginning February 25, 1876, page 41). He summarized:

"I have but little confidence in any materialization or Spirit Photography--I have seen so much of that which is called Spirit Manifestation, through Materialization, But I have My doubts of the genuineness of any that I have as yet Witnessed, there may be Some instances of the Materialization, of spirit, but I do not believe more then one in 20 passd of[f] as being real, is anything less then a fraud, I will not allow people to cram down my throat that does not appear Square & willing to be tried under test conditions they Exact it of me Every time, and I do not complain--" (letter beginning February 25, 1876, pages 39-40).

James V. Mansfield shared his medical issues and health practices with his son and other family, such as attacks of paralysis that he thought were likely caused from overtaxing his nervous system. He wrote of homeopathic remedies and daily self care, with a repeated emphasis on the importance of walking every day for longevity. He reflected on Jean-Frédéric Waldeck, who reportedly lived to the age of 109 [NB: Waldeck died on April 30, 1875]. He described the Baron as a marvelous artist when he was 104 years old, who had been intimate friends with Napoleon, and walked 3 full miles a day. Mansfield wrote, "Every day after he was 108 years old, How remarkable. Only think a man 40 years older than myself walking 3 miles Every day, & I am not able to walk 1/3 of that distance daily without grunting like an 'expiring cow' But it is all in habit, If I had accustomed myself to walking say one or two miles per day, I would have been quite another man, to day" (letter beginning May 1, 1875, page 5). Mansfield described the subject of health at length and the connections between the mind, body, and soul. Other health-related subjects include practicing physicians in the local community, sicknesses, stories of medical malpractice, health care experiences of groups diverse in age, gender, and ethnic background, and God's active role in the state of his health.

James V. Mansfield sent letters home while he traveled for business and health reasons, most notably on his trip to Saratoga Springs, Newport, and Long Island, in 1875, and his lengthier westward travel between June 1876 and July 1877. Mansfield's trip to Saratoga Springs began by connecting with an editor from a Saratoga paper (August 3, 1875). After arriving, he sent a letter home requesting handbills to be printed and sent to him. He also remarked that people in Saratoga Springs had not been exposed much to Spiritualism and felt as though they had a right to see him "about matters that appear so strange to them." He described clients such as Dr. John F. Gray, local businesses such as the Grand Union Hotel and the Stewart Store, and notable figures in the city, such as Vice President Henry Wilson, Governor Samuel J. Tilden, and Alexander Hamilton's three living sons. While there, Mansfield remarked on the direct effects of the weather on his business, citing no afternoon clients on account of lightening and rain: "My success depends upon fair weather, in a pecuniary way" (August 4, 1875). Toward the end of his trip, James wrote that he felt physically better but was anxious to know if he would have frequent callers when he arrived back home. Mary H. Mansfield wrote to James that she was on her way to Vermont; he wished he could have accompanied her but had to take care of business instead. He thought he might visit after her arrival.

Mansfield's westward trip of 1876-1877 consisted of travel from Chicago to Denver, Colorado, while spending time en route at Quincy, Illinois, and Burlington, Iowa. James reflected on the difficulty of finding inexpensive places to stay and shared rates of hotels, such as the Tremont House and the Grand Central Hotel. He documented prices paid for advertisements, meals, and necessities. While in Quincy, Illinois, his friends J. J. Morse and Mrs. Morse, invited him to their home for a meal. He wrote that the Morses sought a spiritual communication with their dear departed (letter beginning June 14, 1877, page 7). Persons Mansfield interacted with on this journey included the Brittans, the Morses, and Jacob M. Smith (former mayor of Quincy, Illinois). He corresponded at length with his wife Mary Hopkinson Mansfield and daughter Mary Gertrude "Gertie" Mansfield at this time, especially as Gertie worked toward divorcing her husband George W. Hayes. James expressed his ongoing fears that George would kidnap his grandson Albert "Bertie" Hayes out of spite. In multiple letters, he warned the family never to let Bertie out of their sight.

James V. Mansfield's letters of the 1870s and early 1880s provide an extraordinary volume of commentary on life in New York City and elsewhere. He wrote about everyday personal and social life, fixing his attention on a great many areas of interest such as Post-Office embezzlements, preparations for the Philadelphia Centennial of 1876, lectures and public speakers, murders and suicides, economics, market trends, costs and prices, medicines, illnesses, local doctors, mediums, politics, natural resources, foods and fruits in season, the sinking of the Harvest Queen, and much more.

A reader of James V. Mansfield's letters can follow the progression of a variety legal proceedings in the New York and other courts. Mansfield wrote his observations, views, and other commentary as cases developed. He remarked with some frequency on the direct effects of financial resources on the outcome of legal cases at a local and Federal level, as well as crushing disparities of wealth between employers and employees.

One case that involved a close friend was that of physician Addison C. Fletcher. Dr. Fletcher pioneered whiskey and tobacco stamps that were used by the United States Government without his permission, and he had a case in Washington, D.C., to dispute the alleged violation of his patent rights. J. V. Mansfield's letters were used as evidence to support Fletcher's claims, as Mansfield had written about the physician and his patent long before the legal battle began. The case was described by J. V. Mansfield from beginning to end. The physician borrowed money from friends and family to afford the legal expenses he incurred at the nation's capital but was unable to win his claim in court.

"Dr. A. C. Fletcher is yet at Washington. He is trying to Engineer his matters through Congress. But he find it hard work. those Congressmen must have money If you Expect any favor from them. the first Question from them is, are you worth or can you command large sum of money. If not then you have no Show, but if you tell them you Shall be well paid & can convince them of your ability & sincerity, they tell you, your case is Sure ‒" (letter beginning January 8, 1876, page 11).

J. V. Mansfield also followed the trial of Edward S. Stokes between 1873 and 1876. In 1873, he revealed that Josephine Mansfield, a distant cousin, played a central role in the feud between James Fisk, Jr., and Edward Stokes. By 1876, Mansfield reported that Stokes remained incarcerated at Sing Sing Prison. At the time, Josephine Mansfield (Josie) had failed to appear at a court hearing in New York City as requested, leading Mansfield to speculate that she was living elsewhere--but that she might return if Stokes were released. Mansfield pondered how the city's community would react to their reunion. He wrote: "If Edward S. S. gets out of Sing Sing & I dare Say he will, then I dare say Josie will be forth coming. But should they undertake to live together, unless they are Married, & Even then I doubt if they would dare live together in this City, & yet they may Popular Opinion or feeling of the inhabitants of this City no doubt has changed naturally since Stokes went into Prison" (letter beginning January 18, 1876, page 87). Ten days later, Mansfield again reflected on the contrast in treatment within the legal system for wealthy individuals like Stokes versus those less fortunate. He wrote, "The suit of Edward S Stokes has cost him and the family up to the time of Stokes' incarceration at Sing Sing 213 000. that is why Ed was not hanged by the neck five years ago. Had Edward Stokes and his Father have been poor people He never could have escaped death at his first trial" (letter beginning January 28, 1876, page 8).

Mansfield commented at length on the William "Boss" Tweed trials between 1871 and 1876. He again kept a close eye on the role of financial resources, noting that the judges presiding over the Tweed trial were susceptible to money's influence. For example, "Money is powerful. no use our judiciary are Milk and Water men when money stares them in the face . . . Let any common Laborer steal 100$ from the same till Tweed Has, and tried before the same Judges Tweed is to be tried before, they would get not less than 5 years Hard Labour in the States Prison. But the rich go unpunished" (letter beginning November 18, 1871, page 32).

Mansfield also shared with his family news he received from other correspondents and newspapers across the country. Following the arrival of The Telegram, Mansfield lamented the grim and fatal effects of poverty, illustrated by the high profits of the Big Bonanza Mine at Virginia City, Nevada, whose dividend was $1,700,000, while its "houseless employees" were paid $500. He provided two painful descriptions of out-of-work men committing suicide for want of resources, one of them murdering their wife and child so they would not suffer the results of destitution. "Unless there is a financial Change for the Better, & that very soon Hundreds of sensitive Men, and Women, will commit suicide, in this city, before next February, the pressure is to heavy, weak & sensitive minds cannot Endure the Burden" (letter beginning November 6, 1875, page 8).

James encouraged John W. Mansfield to return home for the Philadelphia Centennial Exhibition of 1876. He mentioned that the Railroad company had built a track to the Exhibition grounds for easier access to the city. He effused that many people from the South, West, and North, including foreigners, would visit New York and Philadelphia for the first time on account of the great event. In one letter, he wrote condescendingly about a group of 200 Native Americans that he called "Red Men of the forest" coming to Philadelphia. He opined on how amazed they must be at the building and infrastructure improvements made since the treaty with William Penn in 1682 (letter beginning January 18, 1876, pages 92-93).

J. V. Mansfield followed developments of women's rights activities in New York City. Of the First Congress of Women of the Association for the Advancement of Women, Mansfield wrote, "At the present time the strong Minded women are having a convention in this City. Among them is Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Miss Maria Mitchell, Mary F Davis, Isabella Beecher Hooker, Elizabeth Churchill, Mrs. Livermore, Caroline A. Soule, Elizabeth B. Chase, Elizabeth Peabody, Julia Ward Howe, the Loverings, Mrs. Charlotte Beebe Wilbur, & others who takes up the club for woman Suffrage" (letter beginning October 11, 1873, page 70). Mansfield wrote on other social and political matters, such as Ulysses S. Grant and the Democratic party, particularly around the U.S. Presidential contest of 1876. Mansfield noted, for example, while he still believed Grant would run for a third term, "But Chas Francis Adams, will be the Strongest man the Republicans or the Democrats to Run against Grant But Grant has his foot firmly on the neck of the Democratic party, and he will keep it there, Bull Dog like, until he sees himself Master, of the Situation, Hitherto the Herald has been blowing against Grant and the 3d term. But as it Ever has before courted the popular, as well as the Stronger party, She now blows for Grant, feeling sure of his success" (letter beginning January 8, 1876, page 10). A few of the many public figures discussed by Mansfield were Charles O'Connor, Alexander T. Stewart, Henry Ward Beecher, Abraham Lincoln, Henry Wilson, Mary Todd Lincoln, Dr. Alexander Mott (son of Valentine Mott), Moody & Sankey, Cephas B. Lynn, Frederick William Evans, among many others. The Bonaparte family was discussed on several occasions, and Mansfield wrote that he possessed photographs of Louis Napoleon, Eugenie, and Prince Plon Plon, but only lithographs of "the great Napoleon."

The Clients and Spirit Communications Series is made up primarily of letters by individuals seeking James V. Mansfield's spiritualist services between 1856 and 1887. Some are requests for his services as a test medium, in once case specifically wanting an example of an answer and unbroken seal. Many were people with economic distress and personal struggles. Some wrote to Mansfield that they were unable to pay for spiritual services, citing illness or financial constraints. Mansfield handled letters containing no $3.00 payment within them ("Dead heads" as he called them) in different ways. Sometimes, he would provide spiritual services for free out of sympathy, and other times he would disregard the 'dead heads' and write how unjust it is for clients to expect services free of charge, especially as he was himself constantly under economic and sometimes physical distress. Nevertheless, Mansfield occasionally offered his services without charge, driven by the belief that his gifts of communicating with the spirits were bestowed upon him for a greater spiritual purpose and that his financial hardships on Earth were worth it for the assured afterlife.

These client letters originated from locations across the country, including Ohio, Illinois, Indiana, Texas, Maryland, Kansas, New Hampshire, California, Pennsylvania, Virginia, Massachusetts, Washington, D.C., Wisconsin, and elsewhere. One was in response to an 1876 advertisement placed in Voice of Angels.

The earliest client letter was sent by S. Chamberlin of Boston on April 14, 1856; Mansfield had supplied Chamberlain with a communication from his wife, and Chamberlain wrote back weighing his considerations for disbelieving or believing in spirit communications. D. H. Barlow wrote on July 3, 1860, asking for clarifications about the spirit of Mrs. Sherman (who he does not know) and a web of spirit contacts including his "Spirit Bride," five "Directing Spirits," and a "Guardian Spirit" (his mother). On August 1, 1876, a person without money wrote from New Era, Oregon, and asked for services because they were given strong impressions from the spirits the night before. (Mrs. Sirmantha E. Johns). On the back JVM wrote "Free".

Cora Metcalf of Knowlton, Wisconsin, wrote to J. V. Mansfield in 1876, asking him to try to communicate with Daniel Metcalf who was last seen with a Mr. Trewax; she hoped to discover whether or not her husband was in the spirit world. On September sixth of the same year, Nelson Martin of Baldwin City, Douglas County, Kansas, hoped that Mansfield could connect with an excellent physician in hopes of getting medical advice that would restore him. Martin could not pay currently, but if the locusts spared his crops he would be able to do so; Mansfield replied free of charge.

On November 2, 1887, T. Read noted that he received a reply from Mansfield stating that he could not get a response from the spirit--but that Mansfield neglected to send back his three dollars. Two seemingly contradictory letters include one by Otto Kunz, emotionally praising the response he received in Kurrantschrift (including a pasted-on clipping of two manuscript words in German, and a translation of Mansfield's German spirit writing into English); and a letter from J. P. Lehde at New Orleans, September 1, 1876, stating that Mansfield returned his sealed letter (which was in German) because the spirit was unable to manifest itself to the medium in that language.

This series also includes an undated manuscript poem by deceased Adah Isaacs Menken (her spirit through a writing medium).

The 43 Mary Mansfield Letters, Extracts, and Reflections are a collection of individuals' testimonials and newspaper clippings in which writers reflected on James V. Mansfield's mediumship. The bulk of them are in the hand of Mary H. Mansfield, copied from originals dating between 1858 and 1886. Many were solicited through advertisements seeking testimonials attesting to the validity of J. V. Mansfield's abilities. The Mansfields placed ads in spiritualist newspapers, including the Banner of Light, the Herald of Progress, and others. Some of the responses of former clients include copies of questions they had sealed within their letters to Mansfield, along with detailed accounts of how he accurately responded to their spiritual inquiries. Throughout the testimonials, authors emphasized that their letters remained sealed, and the confidentiality of their contents was preserved.

One letter from July 23, 1859, was originally written in the Banner of Light. It addressed an article in the Christian Register, which suggested that Mansfield's ability to respond to sealed letters was a result of the automatic action of the brain. The author of the testimonial refuted the article's claim and recounted an incident where Mansfield correctly answered a sealed letter written in Spanish, despite not understanding the language. The writer argued for the implausibility of attributing Mansfield's abilities to the automatic action of the brain, emphasizing instead the mysterious power of his mediumship.

Some of the testimonials are accompanied by newspaper clippings. One from September 1860, "Papers on Spirit Writings through J.V. Mansfield," featured N. B. Wolfe. Wolfe sent a sealed letter to Mansfield containing information about his departed friend and Mansfield accurately informed him of the friend's death, including the precise manner, place, and time. This extraordinary feat was described as surpassing mere psychometric or psychological powers and instead to Mansfield's spiritual gifts.

The Trial Testimony of James V. Mansfield is an 85-page manuscript containing the examination and cross-examination of Mansfield in the New York courts, October 15-16, 1878. The long-contested estate of Cornelius Vanderbilt was re-opened in September 1878, and eldest son William H. Vanderbilt claimed that, with the help of mediums, he connected with the spirit of his father--who informed him that he wanted William to inherit the entire estate. Because Cornelius Vanderbilt was a client of James Mansfield, he was ordered to take questions in court as a witness. In Mansfield's words: "I have been pressed here by the strong arm of the law unwillingly." Over the course of two days, Mansfield answered questions about times, places, circumstances, and contents of interactions with Cornelius Vanderbilt. He was forbidden to consult his client record books "memoranda books" while being asked about each interaction, requiring him to recall from memory details about letters from and meetings with the deceased Vanderbilt. Mansfield struggled at times to provide estimates; his frustration at not being able to look up accurate details was apparent.

Mansfield recalled that he first received a letter from Vanderbilt sometime before 1857, several more while Mansfield lived in Boston, and one while he lived in California. When Mansfield returned from the west and settled in New York City, he estimated that Vanderbilt visited in person around a dozen times between 1864 and 1875 (in New York City and at least once when at Saratoga Springs). The lawyer asked James V. Mansfield whether he and Vanderbilt discussed spiritualism. Mansfield responded "That is pretty much all that I converse upon any way. If people call, they call for that and nothing else. Consequently it would be that and nothing else." He was questioned about Cornelius Vanderbilt's handwriting and signature, and the process the men went through when at the office. Vanderbilt would sit across the table from Mansfield, and Vanderbilt would write out questions, fold the paper up, and pass it to Mansfield. The medium would place his left hand on it, channel the spirit or spirits (described in detail), and automatically write responses with his right hand. He would then read Vanderbilt the responses. According to Mansfield, Vanderbilt would typically open up the questions and say something like "I will show you whether they were relevant to the question."

Mansfield recalled that Cornelius Vanderbilt would ask questions like 'do you see me with Frank?' He would write to Tunis Egbert, saying 'please advise me for the best' and 'have you any word with charlotte?' As well questions to his mother, father, and wife, with questions like 'do my ways please you?' In at least one case he asked 'brother' about a kidney complaint. On one occasion, Vanderbilt asked Mansfield for his views on whether or not a literal Hell exists, and another time declared that spiritualism provided him with comfort. Mansfield stated clearly that he never met Vanderbilt with Charles Foster or Henry Slade, despite knowing those men well. Vanderbilt always paid the fee of $5.00, typically for an hour session; the charge was a flat one regardless of how long the session lasted, but Mansfield noted that Vanderbilt would pay more of his own volition when over a couple hours passed.

Several pages of the testimony relate to J. V. Mansfield's use of the professional title "Dr." The cross-examiner asked repeatedly, in different ways about his medical background and education. Dr. Mansfield stated that he had no medical training except through his own reading, but that he used the title on the grounds that "other people created me." When asked if Mansfield claimed to be a medical doctor or doctor of divinity, he replied "I do not claim anything; I leave that for the public to determine." Though he did not assume the professional title of Doctor, he justified the use of a business card printed "Dr. James V. Mansfield" because that title was given to him by the public.

One particularly cynical series of questions and answers pertained to the exact mechanism by which Mansfield received and delivered spirit communications as telegraphs and signals. The lawyer asked, for example, "Suppose the spirit wanted to telegraph the following sentence: 'Modern spiritualism is a humbug and a fraud'. What would be the telegraphic signals. Explain them?" He pressed Mansfield on issues such as whether or not spirits can be dishonest or whether spirits in Hell also communicate through him. Mansfield responded to questions about his views on Heaven, Hell, and posthumous rewards and punishments. In once instance, Mansfield emphasized that he had experience in front of large audiences "and pick out and tell through the audience who stands by the side of them--their spirit friends who have been departed for years, and give their names." The lawyer asked how he did it. Mansfield replied that he should come to his office and pay the fee.

James V. Mansfield's Diaries date from January 6, 1866-December 23, 1866, and December 24, 1866-March 17, 1871 (two volumes, each approximately 390 pages). Mansfield spent the bulk of these years in New York City. His diary entries range in length from a few lines to a full page (rarely are they more than a page long). J. V. Mansfield began these diaries after returning to the east coast from California and they more or less conclude around the time his son John left the U.S. for Europe. The topical content of Mansfield's diary entries is like that found in his personal correspondence. Most entries include remarks on or discussions about the weather. He regularly mentioned whether he received client callers or mail, sometimes specifying names of individuals and details about their cases. The callers mentioned in the diaries appear to match the entries in the client record book, though at least one visit in the diaries is not in the client records where expected: "Have had several paying callers to day. Among them a messenger from Washington from several of the Officials, asking certain advise touching matters of State. The report was telegraphed to the Executive Officer" (October 22, 1866).

He discussed his family's activities and milestones, such as his son John's entry into the National Academy of Design, his wife Mary's house-hunting activities, personal correspondence, and more. He reported on news from the Herald and other papers, and commented on social and political issues, leisure and entertainments, Spiritualism, Spiritualists, religious subjects, health, and medicine. A few examples include U.S. President Andrew Johnson's political policies and Reconstruction, the death of Winfield Scott, deaths in N.Y.C. from inadvertently poisoned flour, cholera, prominent public individuals, personal reflections on God and the heavens, crimes and executions, accidents and deaths, and theater and concert attendance (in at least one case listing the performers, in another commenting on Theodore Rustin in Medea). He remarked on the arrival of Swedenborgian Mr. Gurdin to the city, who sought German emigrants to the $100,000 worth of land he owned in Tennessee (October 11, 1866). The diarist regularly attended lectures of the First Spiritualist Society of New York at Dodsworth Hall (including presentations by Emma Hardinge and many others).

Mansfield sometimes provided anecdotes from his everyday life. On awakening the morning of September 14, 1866, Mansfield noted in the margin "Music from the spheres" and then wrote poetically about heavenly laughter from the "fairy lands" that blended from his spiritual dreams into the reality of the waking world--only to find that it was laughter of Mrs. Redman in the next rooms.

At this time, James Mansfield was optimistic about the Spiritualist movements. He wrote, "If increasing in numbers is progressing, then Spiritualism is most certainly progressing, and I go further in my statement, I tell them, that within the next 1/2 Century Spiritualism will swallow up all other isms, and it will be as common as natural for Spirits and Mortals to talk in this way as it is for mortals to talk with each other face to face" (October 19, 1866).

Once the diaries reach the later months of 1868, Mansfield's entries became more and more brief, occupying only a few lines, documenting the weather, mail, callers, and out of the ordinary events.

In the margins, Mansfield added manicules to indicate particularly significant lines or passages. Some direct the reader to interactions with publicly prominent individuals and others to meaningful events in his and his family's lives. A number of pages have creased corners, apparently all flagging entries in which Mansfield wrote about Dr. A. C. Fletcher. The endpapers of the diaries have pasted-in or laid in newspaper clippings and manuscripts, including some recipes and poetry.

The Writings series is made up of 13 items dating from the 19th century. The bulk is notes, essays, and reflections by John W. Mansfield. The topics include art and architecture (5 items: notebook on European architecture and art, and loose sheets with headers such as "Method of Enlargement and Reductions of Drawing," "Masters of Art and their Works," and "First Painting"); a 55-page story titled "La Navidad En Las Montañas"; and a 13-page essay with revisions titled "Son : What Troubles You?" The remaining six items include poetry (including "Night Thoughts," 1853), "Strike the Harp Gently" (with decorative capital lettering), a poem in a child's handwriting beginning "I am a cent...", a sheet bearing John Mansfield's name with Kanji letter above it, and two genealogical notes.

The collection includes Artwork and Illustrations [NB: The nine items in this series are distinct from the "Portraits and Photographs," "Prints," and "Framed Materials" sections of the collection, all of which also include artwork and illustrations]. This series includes:

• A sketch for a battle scene, marked November 13, 1867.
• A drawing of a woman carrying a child at a streetcorner, looking into an undertaker's window display of coffins (the most prominent being a child's coffin), marked November 10, 1867.
• Rough or unfinished sketches of a fireplace, the exterior of the Hopkinson Inn (est. 1816), and an advertisement for tickets to an April 1860 play titled "My Farm in the West."
• A small manuscript booklet showing different shield parts and designs, and what they are called (i.e. Dexter Chief, Chief, Sinister Chief, Honour Point, Fess Point, Nombrill Point; engrailed, invected, indented dancette, Per Bend Sinister, Per Saltire, Per Chevron, etc.).
• An accomplished watercolor and paint illustration of the "Watch Wheel" Scotts coat of arms, "Reparabit Cornua Phoebe."
• A small pen sketch of a bespectacled and mustachioed man's face, baring his teeth and looking very much like Theodore Roosevelt.
• A scrapbook into which the owner (John Worthington Mansfield?) pasted cut-out engravings showing coats of arms, knights, early modern figures and statues, etc.

The Printed Items in the papers include two examples of James V. Mansfield's business cards (one a "Dr." Mansfield example); calling cards of John E. Drake and Charley Gunn; an advertisement for "Dr. Jas. V. Mansfield" at Saratoga Springs with séance and correspondence prices and a portrait of Mansfield; a heavy stock card "Robert Emmett's Last Speech. When my country takes her place among the nations of the earth, then, and not till then let my epitaph be written"; a printed envelope that originally contained flower seeds for Mansfield; newspaper clippings on art-related topics in France; and other fragments and notes.

One item is a printed exhibition flier for "Dubufe's Great Painting of The Prodigal Son. Now on Exhibition at the Leavitt Art Rooms, 817 Broadway, cor. 12th Street.", with marginal notes by John W. Mansfield. On the front page includes the 15th chapter of Luke, over which Mansfield wrote "All nonsense."

The series contains numerous copies of a printed May 16, 1883, circular by The American Spiritualist Alliance, seeking membership for the purposes of establishing a Library and Reading Room, and meeting space at a headquarters in New York. The circular is from President Nelson Cross, and applications should be directed to J. V. Mansfield.

This series includes three pamphlets:

• Dr. D. Winder, Angels and Spirits from a Scriptural Standpoint : The mystery of modern "Spiritualism" Rationally and Historically explained, by the records and teaching of the Scriptures. Cincinnati, Ohio: s.n., [19th century].
• Advertising pages with entries for various spiritualists, materialization and transfiguration mediums, magnetic healers, a physical and musical medium, medical clairvoyants, and more, most tied in some way to Onset, Massachusetts, and advertisers' presence at upcoming camp meetings. These pages are mutilated and missing text; they may have been extracted from a publication.
• Thomas R. Hazard, Mediums and Mediumship. Boston: Colby & Rich, [1876?]. Cover and first 12 pages of this stab-sewn pamphlet are mutilated with some text loss.

James V. Mansfield's Client Record Books and Ledgers are made up of 21 volumes documenting business interactions with clients seeking spiritualist services from 1859-1882. Nineteen record books contain names of clients, where they were located, and the date requests were received and answered. Entries sometimes include information on the person(s) the client was trying to contact in the spirit world, but almost never Mansfield's spirit responses to client questions.

Mansfield's clients lived in areas across the United States, such as Tennessee, Illinois, Virginia, Arkansas, Pennsylvania, Maine, Indiana, New York (Buffalo, Brooklyn, New York City, etc.), Oregon, Missouri, Kansas, Delaware, California (some from Mission San José), and elsewhere. These men and women most often wished to contact deceased children, spouses, siblings, parents, in-laws, aunts, uncles, grandparents, and ancestors.

Some queries regarded connection with lost family members and friends, family dynamics, plans for the future, the workings of the spiritual sphere, the reunion of loved ones in the afterlife, relationship advice, attempts to find out whether or not someone had died, missing persons, health concerns and requests to deceased physicians for diagnoses, business and financial matters, clarification of wills, last words of the deceased, settlements of property, and other legal issues. Clients would sometimes simply ask their deceased family or friends questions such as "Are you happy?"

J. V. Mansfield identified clients sometimes as French, Italian, English, and German. He rarely noted religious affiliations, except occasionally "Quaker" or "Orthodox." He at times wrote down or sought out and pasted in newspaper clippings of biographical notes and obituaries related to the deceased. He sometimes noted the causes of death, with a number caused by railroad and carriage accidents. These client records were working documents that Mansfield did consult later, to make reference notes. In the 1859-1861 volume, for example, beside Mrs. E. Davis he wrote "See Book 42 Nov 9th/66."

In addition to the client record books are two alphabetic ledgers, one marked on the cover "From A to F" and the other "M to R," with content dating from December 24, 1860, to March 26, 1883. A printed J. V. Mansfield advertisement is pasted on the pastedown of the first volume. Only a portion of the first ledger contains entries by Mansfield, which are client interactions organized alphabetically by surname. They were drawn from the client record books that make up the rest of this series.

The "From A to F" volume includes brief entries, copying information in the client record books recording client, the person(s) they wished to contact, geography, and date of entry. An unusual entry is one undated entry falling between June 1 and June 5, 1868, of "Butler, Benja. F." seeking to contact family members, as well as several living and dead governmental and political figures: Amos and Abbott Lawrence, John and Elizabeth Wilson, Rufus Choate, Charles Sumner, Thaddeus Stevens, Salmon P. Chase, Abraham Lincoln, and John A. Andrews.

James V. Mansfield made some progress on ledger letters "A" and "B," but the project was apparently abandoned. The second volume is blank, with the exception of two pages of accounts by a currently unidentified individual in 1933.

The Portraits and Photographs series contains two daguerreotypes, three ambrotypes, two tintypes, one cabinet card, three cartes-de-visite, four other photos on paper, two glass plate negatives, and five silhouette and painted portraits. These are largely images of James V. Mansfield, Mary Hopkinson Mansfield, and the Mansfield family, along with two "spirit" photographs (one of a "spirit drawing" by the Andersons and the other of "father W W Worloch" of Albany). See the box and folder listing for an item-level inventory of this series.

The James V. Mansfield and John W. Mansfield Printing Plates include 10 different steel (1) and copper (9) plates. They include three printing blocks for bust portraits of James V. Mansfield, and drypoint and mezzotint portraits of unidentified men by artist John W. Mansfield. See the box and folder listing for an item-level inventory of this series.

The collection's Prints include nine unique artistic works by John W. Mansfield in the 1880s, with between one and 16 variant prints of each. They include both drypoint and mezzotint prints. The subjects include a moonlit river, landscapes, portraits of unidentified men, and portraits of his father James V. Mansfield. See the box and folder listing for an item-level inventory of the series.

The collection includes four Framed and Oversize items, including two printed broadside advertisements for James V. Mansfield and two portraits of J. V. Mansfield by his son John W. Mansfield--one a drypoint print and the other a large charcoal portrait based on a tintype photograph. See the box and folder listing for an item-level inventory of this series.