Search

The Francis Edmonds papers document the art and business world of the early 19th century and the interrelationship between business and the arts. The correspondence reveals both the practical and aesthetic concerns of artists, and the interest of business men in art as a symbol of personal and national "culture."

The Francis Edmonds papers are about evenly divided between the banking and art scene. The collection is valuable in depicting the interrelationship between business and the arts in mid-nineteenth century New York, where a small group of men dominated art promotion and patronage. Edmonds, a man with one foot in both worlds, naturally occupied a prominent position, and his correspondence reveals both the practical and aesthetic concerns of artists, and the interest of business men in art as a symbol of personal and national "culture."

There are 70 different correspondents represented in this small collection, so its story must be pieced together from multiple fragments. Luckily, there are two published biographies of Edmonds which help to make sense of this scattered correspondence by placing it in context. Roughly, the letters can be divided into those from artists, those from business contacts, and those to or from family members. Their subject matter, however, is not so neatly separated -- and that is what makes the Edmonds Papers so interesting, for bankers talk of art in addition to business, artists of finances as well as aesthetics, and Edmonds may have been the only man to whom these combined interests were communicated.

The largest set of correspondence consists of letters from Francis Edmonds to elder brother John Worth Edmonds, who became prominent as a judge, politician, and writer on spiritualism. Letters written between 1823 and 1829 show the young man to have been much inclined toward personal improvement, and to have looked upon his elder brother as a worthy critic and role model. He self-consciously uses their correspondence as a means to improve his writing style and intellectual development, and mentions writing projects he is at work on. An 1829 letter refers to progress in art work: "About my neighborhood I am getting to be a little known as a painter however I am not at all intoxicated with success as yet."

Edmonds' letters to his brother reveal little of marriage or home life, but are good barometers of his psychological state and his views on life. Clearly he had no illusions about the business and political world, commenting in a March 31, 1829 letter that the Edmonds family had been "to [sic] kind in this world, too much trusting to the good will of mankind and they have suffered for their generosity. It is time we changed their nature's [sic]. ... if two hands are offered you spit in the worst & shake the best." Perhaps this attitude sustained him later on when he lost his prominent banking position, for he comments to his brother in October 1856 that "the sensitive feeling which has so influenced my conduct in going into the world is rapidly wearing away," which he knew would happen with time. In August, 1859, he writes that he is unhappy with his new position at the American Bank Note Company, and has to take the "bile" of those who are jealous and competitive of one another. It appears that he may have had an opportunity to regain his old bank job, but writes to John in 1861 that he has no interest in it, as his old boss would feel threatened by him.

Letters to Edmonds from John Gourlie, Charles Leupp, Jonathan Sturges, and Fanning Tucker, primarily dating from the 1840's, depict the interest in art held by some in the business world. These men, all of whom knew Edmonds in a business setting, also associated with him in societies for the promotion of art, bought and commented upon his paintings and those of other artists, and looked to him for advice when acquiring art for themselves. Many of the letters discuss both banking and art. A particularly interesting one, from Gourlie on June 15, 1841, criticizes artists' refusal to be business-like. Commenting upon rivalry between the Apollo Association and the N.A.D., he remarks that artists "are a queer set. ... So sensitive and at the same time so blind to their own interests." He believes popularization of art, as the Apollo does with its subscriptions for pictures or engravings, is the key to supporting artists, for "[a]ssociations in this country are what the aristocracy is in Europe." Gourlie asserts that rivalry between the Academy and Apollo is a good thing, for "rivalry is the life of all business and pictures may be made business matters as well as cotton or cocoa.!"

Yet correspondence to Edmonds from fellow-artists show them to have been aware that their work was a commodity. An 1841 January 30 letter from Daniel Huntington to Edmonds in Paris comments on hard times in New York, remarking that the arts are now "stagnant," as "[t]he mass of painters are I believe lasily waiting with hands in empty pockets for the revival of Commerce & the increase of orders for portraits." Huntington has sold a sketch he began in Rome of "one of those ragged and flea-inhabited beggar boys" for $100, and sold two heads painted at Florence for $150 each. He must be concerned with what will sell well "in these starving times." Artists Joseph Adams, Thomas Cole, and John Kensett also write of both art and money. They seem to have used Edmonds as a combination personal banker and agent, asking him to sell paintings for them, choose and execute stock transactions, or make loans with paintings offered as collateral. Because of his contacts he was also able to secure artists commissions, contracting with Cole for a painting, employing Asher Durand to copy a picture for engraving, hiring engravers to work from paintings to prepare Apollo Association and Art-Union premium offerings.

The artists' letters are highly interesting for their gossip and commentary on the art scene, both in New York and abroad. They describe work in progress, discuss the merits of major exhibitions, comment on the activities of the N.A.D., and chronicle the life of the expatriate artist as he moves from place to place in season, sending work home for display and (hopefully) sale, scrambling for funds to finance work abroad. It seems to have been a small and convivial "old boys' network" who worked and traveled together and critiqued each other's painting. Edmonds enjoyed seven months of the artist's life in 1840-41, and perhaps this cemented his position as an insider with other artists.

In two important letters of 1840 November 7 and 1842 December 14 Thomas Cole agrees to do a painting of Mt. Etna on commission and describes the finished product. He explains the location and elements of the picture in detail, noting that he may be accused of having "scattered the flowers with too profuse a hand. This is not possible. Sicily is truly the land of flowers..." He hopes the picture "will come to the lot of some one whom we would choose," or that "some good New Yorker will purchase it. I myself will give a hundred dollars & the View of Lake Schroon in Mr. Ridner's room for it." In April 1843 John Kensett writes extensively of the Paris art scene, describing specific works he has seen and including a small pencil sketch of one by Jules Louis Coignet.

Also of particular interest are three 1844 London letters from publisher and bookseller George Putnam, who worked to raise awareness of American art abroad. One solicits articles on American art from Edmonds, assuring him that despite prejudice there are many in England who would be interested in "a little information about American doings in some other arts than the art of raising the wind." In December, reporting on the disappointing reaction of a major critic to three American paintings Edmonds sent for display, he ruefully remarks that the criticism typified English ignorance of America. Putnam was advised to "'tell them to paint some American subject (!) Something of the Indian life.' He was rather incredulous when I suggested that Indians were as great a novelty, nearly, in New York as in London." Still, he wrote, hundreds had viewed and appreciated the paintings, so they had served a good purpose.

One letter in the collection involves neither art nor banking, but Civil War service in Virginia. It is from an old friend of Edmonds, William Fenton, who went to war along with his two sons and served as a colonel in the 8th Michigan regiment. Fenton describes a massive camp along the Rappahannock in detail and indignantly decries the "slaughter" at Fredericksburg as "almost unjustifiable," and due to "old fogeyism" in military strategy. "What was good strategy in the time of Napoleon may not be now." He criticizes political meddling in war and the advancement of "pets." Fenton encourages Edmonds to visit camp, for "[s]uch sights will never again be seen on this continent."

Besides correspondence, news clippings, some later genealogical material, and a draft excerpt from Edmonds' autobiography (ca.1860), the collection includes several pencil sketches by the artist. Eight rough but skillful sketches on small scraps of paper feature indoor and outdoor scenes of people and animals. One is water-colored. There is also a large preliminary study of Edmonds painting "The Bashful Cousin". It is not identified as such, and background scene and details differ from the finished version, but the two main characters are clearly recognizable.

The John M. O'Connor papers contain correspondence, documents, and miscellany relating to O'Connor's military career (including the War of 1812), translation work, and political involvement.

The John M. O'Connor papers contain 350 letters, 15 financial records, 7 legal documents, and several lists, clippings, and the lyrics to a song, spanning 1810-1826. The correspondence is almost entirely incoming and the majority dates to the period from 1815 to 1824. Approximately 20 of the letters relate to the War of 1812; some discuss official army matters, such as supplies and troops, while others concern popular opinion of the war (June 26, 1813: "The public do not appear to be satisfied with the military acquirements of the Commander in chief, and not a few are so daring as to stigmatize his operations as being tardy & imbecile"). A series of letters in September and October 1812 relate to the death of O'Connor's mother, Margaret.

Correspondence in 1815-1816 mentions and documents the chain of events arising from the feud between O'Connor and Major General George Izard, including O'Connor's court martial and subsequent leave of absence, and his attempts to regain his position and good standing in the army. Slightly later correspondence documents O'Connor's translation of Gay de Vernon's Treatise on the Science of War and Fortifications, and includes a letter from O'Connor to Secretary of War, John C. Calhoun, encouraging him to request more copies of the work in order to ensure the success of the project (March 4, 1818). Approximately 15 letters from this period were written in French.

The majority of the material, particularly later in the collection, relates to national politics and political factions in New York State. On October 12, 1818, William H. Crawford, whom O'Connor would later back in the presidential election of 1824, wrote to O'Connor concerning a visit to the South, including observations on the failure of crops, family news, and French politics. On February 18, 1820, James Taylor provided a long account of the Missouri Compromise to O'Connor, and commented that "I am constrained to believe that the spirit of intolerance & oppression towards the black man, and the determination to perpetuate his bondage…are daily gaining ground in the Southern & Southeastern United States." Letters of November 1823 concern the presidential election of 1824 and New York politics.

Also of interest are letters from O'Connor's sister, Eliza, who seems to have been a governess or lady's companion in Middletown, Pennsylvania, but left because of dissatisfaction with the position: "You say that I was placed with the most respectable family in Middletown and all my wants were provided for, and I was at once raised to a respectable and enviable situation, as to their respectability no one will dispute it, as to my situation being enviable, I do not know how excepting I was independent of them, the want of relations will never be compensated to me by strangers" (August 25, 1820). Many letters throughout the collection also document O'Connor's interest in trading stocks and bonds. Letters from his agent, Thomas Hutchison, show his interest in bank bonds and provide advice and information on securities trading.

Several of the documents in the collection relate to the military, including 1814 General Orders, several financial records, and two certificates. Also included are several bonds, a bill of lading, and lists relating to O'Connor's translation work.

The Lindsley Family papers consist primarily of letters from and relating to Eleazer Lindsley, Jr., and his son-in-law, James Ford, early settlers of Lindley, NY and local politicians.

The Lindsley Family papers consist primarily of letters from and relating to Eleazer Lindsley, Jr., and his son-in-law, James Ford, with much of the collection relating to local politics. Of particular interest are five letters written to Ford by Samuel Wells Morris (1786-1847), who later served in the 25th and 26th congress as a Democrat from Pennsylvania. In these letters Ford discusses the political, social and economic benefits of internal improvement schemes (primarily canals), and includes some interesting comments on the election of 1824 and the strong political tensions between the adjacent counties in New York and Pennsylvania. A few letters contain information on the early political life of Lindley, however these are comparatively scant and do not cover the earliest years of the settlement.

• Five documents relating to Eleazer Lindsley, Jr.'s appointment as post master, including the certificate of appointment (1804). The certificate of appointment and two letters bearing early post marks from Lindsleytown have been transferred to the Postal History Collection.
• Six letters written to Eleazer Lindsley's daughters while they were resident at Miss Pierce's School. These contain some information on the education of girls during the period and on family relationships.
• Two items relating to slavery in New York: a letter from Stephen Ross to Eleazer Lindsley, Jr., 1798 May 7, requesting assistance with a troublesome slave he wishes to sell, and a manumission contract dated 1808 August 1 from Lois Lindsley for her slave, Jack.
• Six items relating to religious life and revivals. Two of Eleazer Jr.'s daughters, Maria and Jerusha, appear to have been very pious. During the upsurge in revival activity in the 1830's, the family helped form a Bible Study class and the women formed a prayer circle.

The Solomon G. Haven family papers contain the business and personal letters of Solomon Haven, a Buffalo, New York, lawyer and politician, as well as many letters concerning his wife, Harriet Newell Scott, and daughters Mary and Ida Haven.

The Solomon G. Haven family papers contain the business and personal letters of Solomon Haven, as well as many letters of his wife and daughters. The collection holds 185 letters.

The Solomon Haven Correspondence series consists of 103 letters written from Haven to James Smith, his law partner in Buffalo, New York; 33 letters to his wife; and several letters addressed to various political acquaintances. Most of the letters were written during the period of Haven's congressional career, with the heaviest concentration being from 1853 to 1856.

The letters to Smith contain scattered commentary on the Supreme Court, before which Haven argued three times, on Erie County politics, and on their legal practice in Buffalo. These also offer extensive commentary on New York state politics, including discussions of most of the major figures in the state at the time; references to the various intraparty factions; and discussion of the role of political newspapers during this period of political volatility. Of particular note is the detailed commentary on congressional politics surrounding the struggle over the Kansas-Nebraska Bill, the election of the Speaker of the House (1855-56), and a description of various party conventions in 1856, especially the Know Nothing convention in Philadelphia. By this time, Haven had become a fierce American Party supporter, a fiscal conservative, and an ardent critic of the political games being played by most of the Democratic, Whig, and Republican schemers in Washington and Albany. In a letter to his friend James Osborne Putnam (1818-1903), Haven wrote: "You ask for the Whig party. You would as yet ask in vain for any party here -- there is but little doing effective here for the future -- Cass and Douglass are playing high at the game of Weasel" (December 20, 1851).

Solomon’s letters to his wife Harriett (Hatty) were written between 1839 and 1858, and have an affectionate tone; their focus is largely on the many Washington, D.C., social events, such as parties, celebrations, balls, dinners, and other social/political gatherings, which he typically found tiresome. He was a regular guest for dinner at the White House. His letters relay information about who attended the parties, such as the wives of generals, congressmen, and the President, what the ladies’ were wearing and how they interacted with the men. An 1856 letter mentions the reaction of Elizabeth Spencer Cass (wife of lawyer and politician Lewis Cass) to the caning of Charles Sumner (1856).

The Mary and Ida Haven Correspondence series (39 items) documents two trips taken by Mary Haven to Europe. The first commenced sometime before December 1877 and ended in 1879. Mary spent her time primarily in Paris, leaving only for short excursions to Cannes, France, and Geneva, Switzerland. Her second trip began in June 1884, and lasted until sometime after August of the same year. This trip started with short visits to several cities in Germany and Switzerland, and, by August 29, 1884 (the last letter of her correspondence), she had returned to Paris.

Mary, also known as Ninnie, wrote her letters to her sisters, Ida and Antoinette, and to her mother, all of whom lived at the same address in Buffalo, New York. She traveled with other Americans including a traveler named “Puss,” who, as internal evidence suggests, is her husband, Charles Day. She often discussed her activities in Paris and the differences between life at home and life in Paris, her membership in an Art club, other social engagements, and her trips to other European countries. Her letters show, however, that she spent much of her time socializing with other Americans and British friends. While in Europe, she attended “English church.” As a member of an Art Club, Mary spent some of her time painting and taking art classes.

In two letters from Paris (April 29 and May 16, 1878), Mary wrote about attending the opening of the Exposition Universelle: she waited amidst hordes of other people and saw celebrities who passed near her, such as Queen Isabella and her daughter; the Prince of Wales; the Prince of Denmark; foreign ambassadors and generals of the French Army; and many others. Mary wrote a particularly interesting anecdote about a dressmaker, Madame Connelly from New York, who, in a state of drunkenness, told her that she purchased dresses and belts in France very cheaply and re-sold them in New York for an enormous profit (March 26, 1878). A letter from May 16, 1878, mentions the divorce of a woman whose husband cannot support her, possibly because he was an alcoholic. When traveling to Europe in 1884, Mary noted that writer Mariana Griswold Schuyler Van Rensselaer was on the same ship.

Seven incoming letters to Mary and a single miscellaneous item complete the series. Her sister Ida wrote two letters while she traveled abroad in Germany in the summer of 1880. At this time, Mary was living in New York. Alice Craven Jones, a family friend in Hampstead, London, wrote five letters in the 1890s. Alice offered hopes that her family would come to visit them overseas, offered condolences for the death of a loved one in 1890 (likely Mary’s sister, Antoinette), and related the news of Minnie Jones’ marriage to a lawyer by the name of Perks (1895). Finally, an 8-page unsigned letter to Ida Haven describes visits to small villages in Italy; the writer worked with the Red Cross and commented extensively on the manner, dress, and religion (Catholic) of the citizens.

Two items contain decorated letterheads: the letter from August, 24, 1879, has scenic pictures of famous locations on stationary from a hotel in Zurich, and an undated item (marked only July 15) features printed pictures of the buildings Sprudel-Colonnade and Muhlbrunn-Colonnade.

Correspondence and documents relating to the Tower family of upstate New York, primarily relating to business and family affairs.

Most of the letters in this collection pertains to business operations, including incoming and outgoing letters correspondence with bill collectors, shippers, customers, and others. Correspondents frequently commented on the operation of the business and the financial and political climate.

Family correspondence is concentrated in the period between 1821-1848, during which time the Tower children were away at school or college. The collection also includes several account books.

The Tower family papers have multiple important, unprocessed additions, including Civil War correspondence of Charlemagne Tower, of the Pennsylvania 6th Regiment, Company H (the "Tower Guards").