Collections : [University of Michigan William L. Clements Library]

This collection is comprised of seventy muster rolls and 15 additional letters and documents of the German regiments employed by the British to fight in the American Revolutionary War.

This collection is comprised of seventy muster rolls and 15 related letters and documents of the German regiments employed by the British to fight in the American Revolutionary War. Most of the rolls are from 1781 and 1783 and include lists for soldiers captured at Yorktown. The rolls contain details such as the rank and names of the Hessians, casualties, and remarks, such as "sick in the Barracks." These rolls are certified by British commanding officers.

• Anhalt Zerbst army under Riedesel, Regiment Prinz Friedrich, Grenadier Battalion von Mengen, Regiment von Riedesel, Regiment von Specht.
• Hesse-Cassel. Grenadier Battalion vacant Graff; Grenadier Battalion von Loewenstein,Company von Biesenrodt, Company von Mondorff, Company von Wachs; Grenadier Regiment d'Angelelli, Leib Conmpany; Regiment von Bunau, Leib Company; Regiment Erb Prinz (4 folls for this list names of Hessians captured at Yorktown), Company von Cochenhausen, Company von Fuchs; Regiment von Lossberg, Jr., Company von Baurmeister, Company von Biesenrodt, Company von Romrod, Company von Wilmowsky, Leib Company.
• Hesse-Hanau. Artillery detachment under Pausch.
• Waldeck. Third Regiment, Company von Alberti, Company von Horn, Company von Penzel.

In addition to muster rolls is a copy of the treaty executed in 1776 between the Duke of Brunswick and George III for hiring German mercenaries. Also enclosed is a barrack account for the first regiment of Anspach troops during the winter of 1777-1778; several receipts, including three accounts submitted to the Great Britain Army Victualing Office (1786); an account of payments to foreign troops in America; and a statement from a surgeon named Pralle of the Bath infantry, certifying that several men belonged to Major General de Rhetz' regiment (1781). Documents are in English and German.

The George Barrell journal is a bound account entitled "Journal of a Voyage from Boston to Malaga in the Brig Venus and Return in the Schooner Louisiana by George Barrell." Along with Barrell's prose descriptions of life at sea and detailed depictions of Gibraltar and Malaga, the author drew 32 colored illustrations, primarily of landscapes and people he encountered on his journey.

The George Barrell journal is a bound account entitled "Journal of a Voyage from Boston to Malaga in the Brig Venus and Return in the Schooner Louisiana by George Barrell." Along with Barrell's prose descriptions of life at sea and detailed depictions of Gibraltar and Malaga, the author drew 32 colored illustrations, primarily of landscapes and people he encountered on his journey. The account, which commenced on July 13, 1806, first chronicled the travels of the Venus to Gibraltar, Spain, via the Azores. Barrell made daily notations about the weather and often mentioned interesting occurrences; Spanish privateers, whom he detested, boarded the ship on several occasions, though the Venus also encountered friendlier British ships. By mid-August, they had arrived at Gibraltar, which Barrell described in detail on several pages, recording observations about the city and its people, including the weather, the Jewish population, local British officers, and local buildings. Following a quarantine period at Gibraltar, the Venus sailed to Malaga, about which Barrell also noted his observations. On September 28, 1806, he left on the Louisiana for New York City, but rough seas lengthened their journey to several months.

The journal also contains 32 color illustrations created by Barrell during the course of his travels. He often drew ships, landscapes, and various military officers seen along the Spanish shore.

The George A.C. Barnett papers consists of a set of letters written to a woman named "Dotty" between November 30, 1864, and December 25, 1864, while Barnett was serving as 1st Lieutenant in the 17th New York Veteran Volunteer Infantry.

The correspondence of George A.C. Barnett consists of a set of 27 letters written to a woman named "Dotty" between the dates of November 30, 1864, and December 25, 1864. The letters were written from Chattanooga, Tennessee. Just as Barnett arrived in Tennessee, the railroad was cut, making it impossible to send or receive mail. As a result, Barnett collected his daily correspondence, numbered each page, and eventually sent the batch of letters as a collected work. The letters, totaling 192 pages, describe Barnett's daily activities, thoughts, and feelings.

A small printed etching of the Three Graces is affixed to the November 30th letter. Pen and ink drawings illustrate the letters of December 18th (a man in tall boots), 19th (a pair of elegant "breeches"), and 20th (a horse).

The Francis Edmonds papers document the art and business world of the early 19th century and the interrelationship between business and the arts. The correspondence reveals both the practical and aesthetic concerns of artists, and the interest of business men in art as a symbol of personal and national "culture."

The Francis Edmonds papers are about evenly divided between the banking and art scene. The collection is valuable in depicting the interrelationship between business and the arts in mid-nineteenth century New York, where a small group of men dominated art promotion and patronage. Edmonds, a man with one foot in both worlds, naturally occupied a prominent position, and his correspondence reveals both the practical and aesthetic concerns of artists, and the interest of business men in art as a symbol of personal and national "culture."

There are 70 different correspondents represented in this small collection, so its story must be pieced together from multiple fragments. Luckily, there are two published biographies of Edmonds which help to make sense of this scattered correspondence by placing it in context. Roughly, the letters can be divided into those from artists, those from business contacts, and those to or from family members. Their subject matter, however, is not so neatly separated -- and that is what makes the Edmonds Papers so interesting, for bankers talk of art in addition to business, artists of finances as well as aesthetics, and Edmonds may have been the only man to whom these combined interests were communicated.

The largest set of correspondence consists of letters from Francis Edmonds to elder brother John Worth Edmonds, who became prominent as a judge, politician, and writer on spiritualism. Letters written between 1823 and 1829 show the young man to have been much inclined toward personal improvement, and to have looked upon his elder brother as a worthy critic and role model. He self-consciously uses their correspondence as a means to improve his writing style and intellectual development, and mentions writing projects he is at work on. An 1829 letter refers to progress in art work: "About my neighborhood I am getting to be a little known as a painter however I am not at all intoxicated with success as yet."

Edmonds' letters to his brother reveal little of marriage or home life, but are good barometers of his psychological state and his views on life. Clearly he had no illusions about the business and political world, commenting in a March 31, 1829 letter that the Edmonds family had been "to [sic] kind in this world, too much trusting to the good will of mankind and they have suffered for their generosity. It is time we changed their nature's [sic]. ... if two hands are offered you spit in the worst & shake the best." Perhaps this attitude sustained him later on when he lost his prominent banking position, for he comments to his brother in October 1856 that "the sensitive feeling which has so influenced my conduct in going into the world is rapidly wearing away," which he knew would happen with time. In August, 1859, he writes that he is unhappy with his new position at the American Bank Note Company, and has to take the "bile" of those who are jealous and competitive of one another. It appears that he may have had an opportunity to regain his old bank job, but writes to John in 1861 that he has no interest in it, as his old boss would feel threatened by him.

Letters to Edmonds from John Gourlie, Charles Leupp, Jonathan Sturges, and Fanning Tucker, primarily dating from the 1840's, depict the interest in art held by some in the business world. These men, all of whom knew Edmonds in a business setting, also associated with him in societies for the promotion of art, bought and commented upon his paintings and those of other artists, and looked to him for advice when acquiring art for themselves. Many of the letters discuss both banking and art. A particularly interesting one, from Gourlie on June 15, 1841, criticizes artists' refusal to be business-like. Commenting upon rivalry between the Apollo Association and the N.A.D., he remarks that artists "are a queer set. ... So sensitive and at the same time so blind to their own interests." He believes popularization of art, as the Apollo does with its subscriptions for pictures or engravings, is the key to supporting artists, for "[a]ssociations in this country are what the aristocracy is in Europe." Gourlie asserts that rivalry between the Academy and Apollo is a good thing, for "rivalry is the life of all business and pictures may be made business matters as well as cotton or cocoa.!"

Yet correspondence to Edmonds from fellow-artists show them to have been aware that their work was a commodity. An 1841 January 30 letter from Daniel Huntington to Edmonds in Paris comments on hard times in New York, remarking that the arts are now "stagnant," as "[t]he mass of painters are I believe lasily waiting with hands in empty pockets for the revival of Commerce & the increase of orders for portraits." Huntington has sold a sketch he began in Rome of "one of those ragged and flea-inhabited beggar boys" for $100, and sold two heads painted at Florence for $150 each. He must be concerned with what will sell well "in these starving times." Artists Joseph Adams, Thomas Cole, and John Kensett also write of both art and money. They seem to have used Edmonds as a combination personal banker and agent, asking him to sell paintings for them, choose and execute stock transactions, or make loans with paintings offered as collateral. Because of his contacts he was also able to secure artists commissions, contracting with Cole for a painting, employing Asher Durand to copy a picture for engraving, hiring engravers to work from paintings to prepare Apollo Association and Art-Union premium offerings.

The artists' letters are highly interesting for their gossip and commentary on the art scene, both in New York and abroad. They describe work in progress, discuss the merits of major exhibitions, comment on the activities of the N.A.D., and chronicle the life of the expatriate artist as he moves from place to place in season, sending work home for display and (hopefully) sale, scrambling for funds to finance work abroad. It seems to have been a small and convivial "old boys' network" who worked and traveled together and critiqued each other's painting. Edmonds enjoyed seven months of the artist's life in 1840-41, and perhaps this cemented his position as an insider with other artists.

In two important letters of 1840 November 7 and 1842 December 14 Thomas Cole agrees to do a painting of Mt. Etna on commission and describes the finished product. He explains the location and elements of the picture in detail, noting that he may be accused of having "scattered the flowers with too profuse a hand. This is not possible. Sicily is truly the land of flowers..." He hopes the picture "will come to the lot of some one whom we would choose," or that "some good New Yorker will purchase it. I myself will give a hundred dollars & the View of Lake Schroon in Mr. Ridner's room for it." In April 1843 John Kensett writes extensively of the Paris art scene, describing specific works he has seen and including a small pencil sketch of one by Jules Louis Coignet.

Also of particular interest are three 1844 London letters from publisher and bookseller George Putnam, who worked to raise awareness of American art abroad. One solicits articles on American art from Edmonds, assuring him that despite prejudice there are many in England who would be interested in "a little information about American doings in some other arts than the art of raising the wind." In December, reporting on the disappointing reaction of a major critic to three American paintings Edmonds sent for display, he ruefully remarks that the criticism typified English ignorance of America. Putnam was advised to "'tell them to paint some American subject (!) Something of the Indian life.' He was rather incredulous when I suggested that Indians were as great a novelty, nearly, in New York as in London." Still, he wrote, hundreds had viewed and appreciated the paintings, so they had served a good purpose.

One letter in the collection involves neither art nor banking, but Civil War service in Virginia. It is from an old friend of Edmonds, William Fenton, who went to war along with his two sons and served as a colonel in the 8th Michigan regiment. Fenton describes a massive camp along the Rappahannock in detail and indignantly decries the "slaughter" at Fredericksburg as "almost unjustifiable," and due to "old fogeyism" in military strategy. "What was good strategy in the time of Napoleon may not be now." He criticizes political meddling in war and the advancement of "pets." Fenton encourages Edmonds to visit camp, for "[s]uch sights will never again be seen on this continent."

Besides correspondence, news clippings, some later genealogical material, and a draft excerpt from Edmonds' autobiography (ca.1860), the collection includes several pencil sketches by the artist. Eight rough but skillful sketches on small scraps of paper feature indoor and outdoor scenes of people and animals. One is water-colored. There is also a large preliminary study of Edmonds painting "The Bashful Cousin". It is not identified as such, and background scene and details differ from the finished version, but the two main characters are clearly recognizable.

The Fort Wayne Indian Agency collection consists of a letterbook kept by Indian agents John Johnston and Benjamin Franklin Stickney; an English-to-Ottawa dictionary, likely written by Stickney; and a memorandum book kept by Johnston during his time at Fort Wayne.

The Fort Wayne Indian Agency collection consists of a letterbook kept by Indian agents John Johnston and Benjamin Franklin Stickney; an English to Ottawa dictionary, likely written by Stickney; and a memorandum book kept by Johnston during his time at Fort Wayne.

The Fort Wayne Indian Agency Letter book (189 pages) was compiled by agents John Johnston (April 15, 1809-November 30, 1811) and Benjamin F. Stickney (April 18, 1812-October 1, 1815), who documented all accounts, disputes, complaints, and other occurrences that transpired between the soldiers at the fort and the Native Americans. The letterbook records the agency business during the critical years before and during the War of 1812, when Fort Wayne was a vital part of American frontier defenses. The volume is comprised of copies of letters, speeches, circulars, and documents, to and from the agents and various departments of the United States government. The correspondents include Presidents Jefferson and Madison; Secretary of State James Monroe, Secretaries of War Henry Dearborn, John Armstrong, and William H. Crawford; the governor of Indiana Territory, William Henry Harrison; and Michigan governors William Hull and Lewis Cass; as well as several Indian chiefs (listed in Additional Descriptive Data). The entries contain lists of supplies received at Fort Wayne, lists of supplies and gifts extended to the Indians, receipts for work done at the garrison, reports on Indian activities, speeches addressed to the Indians, accounts of the war on the frontier, and reports about other conflicts in the area. The volume concludes with a 13-page "statements and observations relating to the Indian department" which summarizes Stickney's efforts during the War of 1812. For a complete transcription of the letterbook, along with a thorough index, see:

Thornbrough, Gayle. Letter Book of the Indian Agency At Fort Wayne, 1809-1815. Indianapolis: Indiana Historical Society, 1961.

The English to Ottawa dictionary (40 pages) contains phonetic spellings for English words in the language of the Ottawa Indians (the Ottawa speak a dialect of Ojibwe). The book, likely composed by Stickney, contains words for mammals, fowl, birds, fish, reptiles, elements (earth, water, wood, stone, clay, etc.) plants, trees, body parts and facial features, food, maladies, medicine, feelings (love, malice, envy etc.), celestial features, weather, clothes and other goods, numbers, colors, and useful phrases. In addition to providing information on the Ottawan language, the dictionary relates concepts and terms that were important to the Americans. This volume was likely never published.

John Johnston kept the Fort Wayne memorandum book (145 pages) during his tenure as Indian agent at Fort Wayne, from 1802-1811. The volume contains both personal and official material. The first entry was March 20, 1801, when Johnson was appointed by General Henry Dearborn to be a clerk in the War Department. He arrived at Fort Wayne on September 20, 1802. The volume contains several lists of supplies for Fort Wayne and for gifts to the Indians, and records bills and accounts from the Indian agency and the War Department. Many of the accounts concern Indian agent William Wells (1802-1803). Johnston also made notes on his daily responsibilities, of enquiries into food and supplies, and on people traveling to and from Fort Wayne and Washington D.C.; Dayton, Ohio; and Detroit, Michigan. Several entries relate to Native Americans, and discuss Little Turtle's adopted son and the husband of Little Turtle's daughter. Among Johnston's personal notes are financial records for planting his farm and orchard in 1808. The memorandum book provides information about life in the Indiana Territory in the early 19th century.

The Fairfield Goodwin papers consist of poems, essays and drawings created by a Union soldier from Michigan during the Civil War. Goodwin was part of the 1st Illinois Light Artillery (Taylor's Chicago Battery) at the outbreak of the Civil War and later joined the 8th Michigan Cavalry.

The Fairfield Goodwin papers (27 items) consist of poems, essays, and drawings created by a Union soldier from Michigan during the Civil War. While most of the items are undated, the identified items range from November 5, 1861, to September 20, 1862. Goodwin likely created many of these items while with the Chicago Battery and during his six-month convalescence, before he joined the 8th Michigan Cavalry in 1862.

The bulk of the items are sentimental or comical poems and essays with titles such as: Decay, Thoughts of Spring, Our March, Flowers, Friendship, My Mother's Voice, A Dream of Heaven, What is Pleasure?, The Lazy Club Song, and Minute Men. In these, Goodwin expressed feelings of longing and loneliness, as a soldier away from home. He also mentioned several notable military figures, including Jefferson Davis, General Beauregard, and Stephen Douglas.

Goodwin illustrated many of these poems and essays with pencil and color pencil drawings. He sketched pictures of birds, soldiers with beards, a horse, a cat, and a dog. Of particular interest is a full-page illustration of a union camp at Shiloh depicting men chopping wood, killing pigs and fowl, cooking, and reading, as well as cannon, felled trees, and tents. This drawing is colored with blue and orange details. Another recurring sketch is of the artist propped up in his sick bed. Some of the drawings are independent of essays, including pictures of a cannon, a man and woman under a flowering tree, Goodwin's home in Pontiac, Michigan, a "Missouri Rural Cotage," a picture of "Jeff Davis returning from war," portrayed with a large beard and lying on his back, and, finally, a picture of a man on a horse.

This collection is made up of letters that Evelyn and Jan Thompson wrote to their parents in Brookline, Massachusetts, from 1930-1936. The bulk of the correspondence consists of Evelyn's letters about her education in Paris, France, and at Bryn Mawr College, and about her life and editorial work in Washington, D.C. Evelyn's sister Jan wrote 4 illustrated letters from Bermuda in the fall of 1935.

This collection is made up of letters that Evelyn and Jan Thompson wrote to their family in Brookline, Massachusetts, from 1930-1936. Evelyn's letters comprise the bulk of the collection. From September 1930-July 1931, she described her travels in England, Belgium, and the Netherlands, and discussed her life in Paris, France, where she attended school. Evelyn also wrote about her experiences at Bryn Mawr College in Bryn Mawr, Pennsylvania, from November 1931-May 1935, and about her daily life in Washington, D.C., from November 1935-May 1936. While in Pennsylvania and Washington, D.C., Evelyn shared news of her studies, her social activities, and her work for the United States Department of Agriculture. She mentioned her intent to marry David Riesman, and some of her later correspondence contains brief references to politics, communism, and current events. Evelyn also wrote while traveling in New England and Arizona; her letter of July 8, 1935, encloses several small snapshot photographs of buildings in Rouen, France.

Jan Thompson wrote 4 letters while visiting Bermuda in the fall of 1935. She described many aspects of her travels, including a meal featuring "strange slabs of meat. hippopotamus or elephant probably" (September 20, [1935]). Her letters include ink sketches of bathers on beaches, Bermuda scenery, horse-drawn carriages, and a woman attempting to remove a large spider from a window curtain. Additional correspondence from Jan to her parents is scattered throughout the collection. The Thompson letters include postcards, official correspondence from Bryn Mawr officials, and telegrams.

This collection is made up of letters written and received by Reverend Evarts Kent and members of his family throughout the late 19th and early 20th centuries. Kent and his family corresponded with friends and family members in several states, including Vermont, Illinois, Iowa, Indiana, Georgia, Massachusetts, and North Carolina. Most letters concern family news, education, religion, travel, family relationships, and similar personal subjects. The collection also includes printed invitations, programs, and 23 photographs.

This collection is made up of letters written and received by Reverend Evarts Kent and members of his family throughout the late 19th and early 20th centuries. Kent and his family corresponded with friends and family members in several states, including Vermont, Illinois, Iowa, Indiana, Georgia, Massachusetts, and North Carolina. Most letters concern family news, education, religion, travel, family relationships, and similar personal subjects. The collection also includes 2 documents and 23 photographs; printed invitations and programs are interspersed among the letters.

The Correspondence series comprises most of the collection, and contains approximately 4 linear feet of letters, which are primarily the incoming personal correspondence of Evarts Kent, his wife, and their children. The earliest items are Civil War-era letters between unidentified family members. The bulk of the collection begins around 1867, when Evarts Kent began to receive letters from his family and friends, who provided local news from Ripton, Vermont, and often commented on his recent marriage to Helen Beckwith. As Kent's father, Cephas, was a Congregational minister, the Kent family frequently discussed religious topics. In the early and mid-1880s, Michael E. Strieby and Joseph E. Roy of the American Missionary Association also corresponded with Kent.

After the mid-1870s, the correspondence is primarily between Evarts and Helen Kent and their children, Ernest, Grace, and Willys, who exchanged letters with their parents and each other from their childhood into their early adult lives. Ernest discussed his educational experiences, including his time at Iowa College,his experiences in preparatory school and as a young adult and at Iowa College, and occasionally composed letters to his father in Latin. The Kent siblings sometimes included sketches or more refined drawings within their letters. Their letters reveal details about their relationships with each other, their personal lives, and their religious beliefs. Later items from the World War I era often concern Willys's wife, who signed herself "Roxi," and the couple's experiences while spending their summers at Camp Arcadia in Belgrade, Maine. A relative named "Jupe" also wrote Evarts Kent an extensive series of letters throughout the late 19th and early 20th centuries, including a group of 20th-century letters about travel in the Black Mountains of North Carolina.

The Documents series is made up of a 2-page document containing several sets of church minutes compiled in Benson, Vermont, between March 1790 and September 1792, and a partially printed receipt for a payment made to the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions (ABCFM) in 1870.

The Photographs series holds 23 photographs, primarily snapshots, of unidentified individuals. Though most are portraits, 2 depict a woman riding a bicycle and one is a self portrait of a woman, "taken by herself in front of a looking glass." The photographs include one cyanotype.

This collection contains the personal correspondence of Levi Henry Elwell and his family. Elwell was a professor in Amherst, Massachusetts, and many of the letters relate to his children's studies at Vassar College and Amherst College, as well as their everyday lives in Massachusetts and New York.

This collection contains 226 personal letters, 8 Greek-language examinations, and 5 loose newspaper clippings regarding Levi Henry Elwell and his family.

The Correspondence series contains letters between and to members of the Elwell family. During his early days as a student at Amherst College and as a teacher in Poughkeepsie, New York, Elwell wrote to his mother, Harriet Adaline Elwell, and fiancée, Abbie Miner Nickerson, about his scholarly life and experiences. In these letters, Levi and Abbie often discussed their engagement and wedding plans. Though later correspondence includes some letters that the couple sent to Levi's parents, most originated from their children, Marion, Florence, and James. The sisters frequently wrote each other to discuss Marion's experiences at Vassar College. They also received mail from various friends, several of whom enclosed sketches. Levi Elwell wrote many of the later letters to his daughter Florence during her studies at Vassar College, including a postcard entirely in Latin (June 1906) and a report on the family's reaction to witnessing Halley's Comet (May 10, 1910). Though the letters primarily concern personal news, correspondents occasionally discussed contemporary politics; in a letter to Marion dated October 30, 1904, Levi described the American political landscape and discussed his own political views. Around 11 newspaper clippings are enclosed in various letters.

The Newspaper Clippings and Exams series has 8 examinations (December 20, 1897-January 20, 1908) for students of Amherst College, who were required to translate and interpret classical Greek texts, printed in their original language. The 5 loose newspaper clippings concern women's colleges (May 14, 1910), faculty promotions at Amherst College (undated), dirigible balloons (undated), and Halley's Comet (2 items, ca. April 1910).

Elizabeth Camp's journals detail her time spent with the Stockbridge Indians as a schoolteacher and unofficial Congregationalist missionary.

The first volume of Elizabeth's journal is eighty pages, and roughly half of it is Elizabeth's record of her time spent with the Stockbridge Indians as a schoolteacher and unofficial missionary. The second journal is only thirty-three pages, and since there are a number of large gaps between entries, it provides a much sketchier picture of Elizabeth's life as she returned to teaching, then attended school, got married, and had a daughter.

The High Congregational style of these journals is both edifying and entertaining. This young woman struggled constantly to know her spiritual condition, and to express her relationship with God. And unlike many a religion-steeped journal, her entries zing with lively language. Openers like "I am a poor, vile, sinful and unworthy worm of dust" and "A guilty hell deserving worm of the dust has graciously been permitted to witness another holy sabbath" sizzle, and Elizabeth rarely got through an entry without some elaborate articulation of self-loathing (1:23, 1:70).

What keeps the journal interesting, however, is the curious tension between this self-abasement -- considered the appropriate attitude with which to approach God -- and Elizabeth's pride and satisfaction in her "useful" work as a teacher and a missionary. To experience God's love, one had to feel absolutely wretched about oneself, and continually profess one's continual state of sinfulness. Therefore it was difficult, if not impossible, for her to simultaneously feel close to God and proud of her work as God's humble servant: "in short, my attainments in religion are very low. I am truly the vilest of the vile, yet I do not feel it as I ought; Oh when shall I live devoted to God? If I am a christian, why do I not love God more, and serve Him better? I know I have a very selfish, wicked heart, & Oh Lord! make me feel it, & give me deep repentance. May my heart be broken for my sins, & may I cheerfully submit to God in all his dealings with me" (1:16).

Elizabeth was frustrated that although she knew she was wicked, she did not always feel wicked -- and when one was devoting one's time so usefully helping the "dear red people," it must have seemed somewhat contradictory to try to feel like one had a "selfish wicked heart." And yet she did try, repeatedly. "Oh I am a sinful worm, & may I feel it more and more & humble myself at the feet of Him, who is the sinner's friend" (1:41).

Initially Elizabeth mentioned that her school has seven native children and six whites, but she did not mention the white children again -- in fact, the next entry states "had but seven native children," suggesting that the whites ceased attending (1:26-27). She brought her little niece to Stockbridge with her to keep her company, and she felt "something lonesome, as I am deprived of the society of white people" (1:26). Loneliness soon passed, as she involved herself in the community. Within a few weeks, she wrote: "I do love these dear red people. I have peculiar sensations while uniting with them in their devotions such as I do not experience meeting with any other people" (1:43). She was even able to relieve her own religious distress by talking with a "dear christian Indian woman" (1:46).

In addition to teaching school, Elizabeth attended native female society meetings, "the object of which is to promote industry and good morals among the females" (1:32). She also visited households, speaking to the women individually about their spiritual state of mind and instructing them in religious matters. When one woman said she had always loved the Saviour, Elizabeth had to explain to her that she was wrong. "I told her that we were born into the world enemies to God, that we did not naturly love Him, nor anything that is good &c." (1:32). She also went to weekly "conferences," and sermons on the Sabbath. Although Elizabeth presumably communicated with the Stockbridge in English, a "Mr. S." delivered a sermon in the natives' tongue (1:29). Most of the meetings Elizabeth attended were conducted in the Indian's language, and she had to rely on tone and demeanor to gauge whether or not the people were suitably "solemn," which they typically were.

Leaving the Stockbridge in September was difficult for Elizabeth. She shook hands with her school children, and after a final prayer meeting together, "two indian women accompanied me home, spent the night with me & breakfasted with me this morning" (1:51). Elizabeth went on to visit friends and return to her native home, and closed her journal with a lengthy transcription of Mrs. Martha Laurens Ramsay's "self dedication and solemn covenant with God," copied from the memoir of that "excellent woman" (1:71-80).

The most interesting part of the second volume of the journal is Elizabeth's account of hearing a dead woman's journal read aloud by her intended spouse (2:10-11). Elizabeth praised the young woman, who had possessed "superior qualifications for extensive usefulness, both native and acquired," and the young man, who "performed his task with an appearance of deep solemnity -- sensibly feeling his loss."