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The Appleton-Aiken papers contain letters and documents relating to the family of John Aiken and his wife Mary Appleton of Lowell and Andover, Massachusetts. The collection contains correspondence about textile mills at Lowell, collegiate education, and the development of the towns of Lowell and Andover, Massachusetts, and Brunswick, Maine. The family letters also include numberous personal references to Mary Aiken's sister, Jane Appleton, both before and after her marriage to the future 14th president of the United States, Franklin Pierce.

The Appleton-Aiken papers contain over 575 letters and documents relating to the family of John Aiken and Mary Appleton, his wife, of Lowell and Andover, Massachusetts. The collection contains correspondence documenting family life among the upper classes in Massachusetts in the early industrial age, and contains useful information on the textile mills at Lowell, collegiate education, and the development of the towns of Lowell and Andover, Massachusetts, and Brunswick, Maine.

The correspondence centers on the interests of a large and powerful family. Mary and John Aiken's children were all well-educated and wrote erudite letters. Many of the Appletons and Aikens were professionally involved in education, and several series of letters include valuable information on college life and curricula at mid-nineteenth century. Charles and William Aiken attended Dartmouth College in the 1840s and 1850s, and their letters are filled with an undergraduate's opinions on coursework, professors, and education. There are also several examples of secondary school writing assignments from John and Mary Aiken's children and grandchildren.

In a different vein, the letters of Alpheus Spring Packard written while he was professor of natural history at Bowdoin College, offer a unique perspective on the development of that institution, and particularly of its science curriculum. There are many other letters relating to Bowdoin College, since the entire Appleton family seems to have retained a strong interest in the college for years after the death of Jesse Appleton, its former president. For example, Mary Aiken's mother, Elizabeth, writes particularly interesting letters about the progress of the college after the death of her husband, in 1819. Also worthy of note are several letters written by Jennie Snow, whose husband was on faculty at the University of Kansas during the 1870s.

The Aikens were heavily involved in capitalizing textile mills throughout northern New England. A few items provide particularly interesting information on the mills at Lowell, including an October, 1836, letter in which Mary describes a walk-out and strike at the mill, and a letter from her brother, Robert Appleton (1810-1851), describing a shipment of cotton arriving at the mill in 1835 from London. Robert also inspected Governor William Badger's (1799-1852) new cotton factory at Gilmanton, New Hampshire. In 1871, Mary and John's daughter Mary describes a book, Lillie Phelps' The Silent Partner, designed to improve the condition of the mill "operatives." Two other items are of some interest for the study of mill life, one a letter from J. Whitney regarding the acts of sabotage against the mill performed by Edward Webb, an employee (1834 May 1) and the other a letter in which a woman suggests women learn sewing, a skill badly deteriorating under industrialization.

The collection includes a letterbook with 25 letters written by John Aiken to his family from Europe. He wrote these letters during one of his business trips to examine textile operations; along with general travel descriptions, he reported information about cloth production and marketing. Additionally, the collection contains a diary kept by John Aiken during this trip. In the volume, which covers the dates September 1, 1847, to December 20, 1847, Aiken briefly recorded his current location or recent travel, the weather, and any sightseeing or social activities that occupied his day. Aiken noted visits to tourist attractions, including the Tower of London and the Tuileries Garden, and also used the volume to track several financial accounts accrued throughout the period. Detailed notes at the back of the volume also reflect his keen interest in the textile industry and the mills he visited while abroad.

On a more general level, the Appleton-Aiken papers are an useful resource for studying family dynamics among the upper class. The letters are filled with discussions of family members, relations between husband and wife or parent and child, and include some interesting commentary on local religious life, revivals, church meetings, and family piety.

Two photographs have been transferred to the Clements Library's Graphics Division for storage. Photocopies of these are included in Box 6 in the folder containing Miscellaneous items.

The bulk of the Boynton family papers consist of John Boynton's letters to his family in New England. While teaching in Mississippi from 1837 to 1839, he wrote about his impressions of southern culture and his disapproval of slavery.

Most of the letters (1-25) were written by John Boynton; 23 to his father Isaac, one each to brother-in-law Herman Huntington and sister Hannah. They cover his career as a student and teacher in various locales. The letters reveal Boynton to have been a perceptive, thoughtful young man with strong religious and temperance views and a New Englander's dislike of slavery. His rather strait-laced temperament was relieved by a light-hearted sense of humor and a love of boyish pursuits --hunting, fishing, playing ball. He was warmly appreciative of home and family, and one of his letters (14) muses on the imagined family scene he is missing, speculating on the activities and thoughts of each family member.

Boynton's letters from Mississippi (19-25) are the highlight of the collection. In them he expresses his disapproval of slavery and of southern culture in general (particularly its loose religious ways), while admitting a fondness for the weather, the hunting, the landscape, and the unaffected friendliness of southerners. It is interesting to note that, for one who voices such distaste of slavery, Boynton is clearly racially prejudiced, and does not seem to object to having a servant assigned to him. On a stop-over at a Maryland tobacco plantation, having arrived at night, he records his reactions of the next morning: "Creation. Niggers as thick as toads after a shower. ... Negroes among [the tobacco fields] in every direction. It reminded me, as I looked out upon his fields, of what I have witnessed at home -- a platter of baked beans with a large quantity of black ones among them. No reflections on baked beans by the way."

In Mississippi, he describes the scene from his bedroom window: "There are ten Negroes to every one white person. The labor here is done altogether by slaves. ... about 90 Negroes in the field picking cotton. About an equal number of men & women, some children. You would also see a white man with a whip in his hand following in the rear." Noting the comfort of his situation, he writes that "A Negro boy about 15 years old is at my command any moment. He comes into my room every night about 9 o'clock with his blanket, blacks my boots & shoes, sleeps on the floor in my room, builds me a fire, if I need one in the morning before I am up; brings a pitcher of fresh water, etc. While I am at breakfast he makes my bed, sweeps my room & puts all things in order." Still, Boynton expresses a repugnance of slavery, and looks forward to the day when " I may inhale the pure air of Freedom!" He tires of the constant talk of "land and Negroes," the mania for profit, the violence and lawlessness, and the disregard for religion and the Sabbath. "The sabbath in Mississippi is hell in minerature [sic]. All sorts of games from the horserace & cock-fight down to playing of marbles is engaged in upon Sunday." While he enjoyed his sojourn and much appreciated the high salaries paid to teachers, Boynton never intended to settle in the south. Sadly, he lived only a short while after returning to home and family.

The Boynton papers document the lives of other family members in far less detail. They are mentioned or addressed in John's letters, and are writers and recipients of the twelve letters in the collection which post-date his death. John addressed most letters to father Isaac, a brick-maker, but often inquired after or included messages for his mother, Sibyl; brothers David, Henry, and Royal; and sisters Hannah, Harriet, and Sibyl. A daughter of Hannah Boynton Haynes, Elmira Spaulding, is also represented in the collection.

The rest of the letters (26-38) are to and from other members of the Boynton family and relate largely to family matters, brother Henry's school teaching career, and religion. One poignant letter (30) records the grief of a mother at the death of her baby daughter, as she consoles herself with the thought of her child in heaven. An undated letter from Elmira Spaulding to her mother Hannah Boynton Haynes (36) discusses her life as a millworker in Leominster, Mass.

The Hampton collection consists of a journal written by Eli Hampton, an Orthodox Quaker minister from Chester County, Pennsylvania. The journal records religious subjects and the spiritual concerns of the minister.

The Hampton journals are an excellent record of the spiritual concerns of a Quaker minister in the near aftermath of the great period of Quaker schisms. The entries are fairly regular, though not daily, and vary in length from brief notes ("attended meeting") to very long passages, nearly all on religious subjects. The attribution of the journal is based on the appearance on the front cover of the name Eli Hampton written in the hand of the author, and the presence within of a copy of a letter signed by Eli Hampton.

The periodic rise and fall in Hampton's mood and the insecurities he had in his ability to receive the Light are among the most interesting aspects of the journal. He often writes that he feels weighed down by the burden of spiritual duties and concerns, and by doubts about his own worth. Typical of many entries is the one for February 16th, 1848: "I felt destitute and forsaken by all both spiritually and temporally and at times ready to give out all hopes of overcoming these frailties of human nature."

Even when his spirits were raised, as after speaking at meeting, Hampton felt the weight of great emotions. "[A]t meting to day in a goodly frame of mind wherein I think I was blest with the presence of the devine master with this language in my mind; can it bee possible that the lord has chosen mee as an instrument to awaken others to a sence of their one duty in obidience to the law and testimony of devine light on their one understanding; for I know that I have nothing to bost of but my one infermaties which are great and many..." (1848 June 1). The burden of not speaking when having received the Light was also crushing to Hampton. Following a funeral, during which he felt compelled to speak, but held back, Hampton wrote: "I had to suffer like unto a little child that had just been corrected by its earthly parent and that through such severity that its hart was almost ready to burst with grief..." (1849 March 13).

The political and moral issues of the day occasionally figure in Hampton's diary. While not evincing any uncommonly strong zeal, Hampton was apparently an opponent of slavery and the use of "spiritous liquors." His reservations are clear, though: "the query arose in my mind what good has [the Antislavery] committee done I can see none in reallety" (1848 July 27). A particularly interesting incident occurred on August 13th, 1848, when Hampton and other members of the meeting attempted to attend the "colored meeting," but were barred from doing so by the congregation. He writes "not all their congrigation being preasant at that time [they] ware not willing to admit us in their meeting hous." Hampton and Friends slept under a nearby shed and "delivered our testimony amongst them I trust to good satisfaction."

Since Hampton's religious concerns permeate nearly every entry, the spiritual content of this diary has been only selectively indexed, with the longer or more thoroughly expressed entries noted.

The Fenno-Hoffman papers contain the personal correspondence of three generations of the Fenno and Hoffman families of New York City. Correspondence from, to, and between the family members of Maria Fenno Hoffman, daughter of John and Mary (Curtis) Fenno of Boston and Philadelphia, and wife of Josiah Ogden Hoffman of New York.

The Fenno-Hoffman papers contain the personal correspondence of three generations of the Fenno and Hoffman families of New York City. It appears that the collection was initially assembled by Maria Fenno Hoffman, who was the bridge linking the Fennos and Hoffmans, or one of her children. The majority of the letters in the collection are addressed to Maria, and those written following her death are mainly from her three children. As a whole, the collection forms a diverse and uniformly interesting resource for the study of family life, politics, and literary culture in the early Republic. The Fennos and Hoffmans seem all to have been blessed with literary talent and excellent educations, enjoying interests ranging from politics and commerce to publishing and writing, but cursed with short lives and disastrous fortune. Their correspondence creates a vivid impression of a once-wealthy family struggling with adversity and personal loss. Yet despite all of their connections to the centers of political and social power, and despite all the setbacks they encountered, the overriding impression gleaned from the Fenno-Hoffman correspondence is of the centrality of family in their emotional and social lives.

The collection can be roughly divided into two, interrelated series: the letters of the Fenno family, and the somewhat later letters of the Hoffmans. Within the Fenno series are 25 letters from John Fenno to his wife, Mary, and six from Mary to John, written primarily during two periods of separation, in the spring of 1789, and summer, 1798. This correspondence conveys a sense of the passionate attachment these two held for each other, expressed with their exceptional literary gifts. John discusses the founding of the United States Gazette in 1789, including a visit with Benjamin Franklin in Philadelphia where he had gone to purchase type. His letters are full of political commentary relating to the establishment of the federal government in 1789 and the young nation's Quasi-War with France, 1798. Although Fenno's letters to his wife are filled with political opinions, he urged her not to get involved in political controversies herself, nor to form opinions of her own. Mary apparently felt free to express herself to her husband, but significantly, her letters tend to mirror his staunchly Federalist political sympathies. The collection also contains four letters from John Fenno to his children, in which he discusses the French Revolution (1794) and general political news (1797-98), while doling out some fairly standard fatherly advice.

All nine of the Fenno children who survived infancy are represented as writers in the Fenno-Hoffman Papers, each one of whom seems to have been blessed with literary talent. The most frequent correspondents among the Fennos -- Maria, Charles J., and Edward -- display an intense interest in the affairs of their family, and express a powerful attachment for one another.

The collection contains twenty letters from Maria Fenno Hoffman (1781-1823), wife of lawyer and judge Josiah Ogden Hoffman (1766-1837), and most of the other letters in the collection were addressed to her. The letters written by Maria were nearly all addressed to her children and contain information on the family, laden with large doses of motherly advice. Among her most notable letters is one addressed to Washington Irving, whose fiancée, Matilda Hoffman, Maria's step-daughter, had died shortly before their wedding day.

The young British Navy officer, Charles J. Fenno, wrote thirty-nine letters, all to his siblings, and the collection also includes one letter to Charles from British Navy officer Charles Williamson (1757-1808), advising him to take an appointment in the West Indies. Fenno's letters include detailed descriptions of his attempts to cope with the debts incurred by his brother, John Ward Fenno, his part in the Tripolitan War and the turmoil in Haiti in 1802-3, naval sparring between French and English on the high seas, and family matters. With the typical Fenno style, Charles' letters provide an excellent view of these conflicts from the perspective of a young junior officer. His last letter was written while on vacation at Coldenham, N.Y., five weeks before his death.

Charles' younger brother, Edward, wrote 69 letters to his sister and surrogate mother, Maria, and 31 to his brother, James, along with a few miscellaneous letters. As lengthy as they are literate, Edward's letters provide an engrossing, running commentary on all facets of life in New Orleans during the 1820s and 30s, when it was still more a French city than American. His interests range from politics to business, high society to love affairs (his own, as well as others'), the annual yellow fever season, death and dying, race relations, piracy, and military exploits. They offer an intimate and detailed view of Louisiana during the years in which it was undergoing a rapid Americanization, and Edward's membership in the American militia, and his keen observational abilities provide a memorable account of the changes. His last letter to Maria, written a month before her death, discusses the necessity of family loyalty.

Comparatively speaking, the other Fenno children are represented by only scattered letters. Only two letters survive from the shortest-lived of the adult Fennos, John Ward, both written in 1797. In these, Jack discusses the acute controversy between Benjamin Rush (1745-1813) and the Federalist Gazette of the United States. Three of Harriet Fenno Rodman's letters survive -- containing social news and observations -- along with seven poems, including love poetry to her husband. Harriet's daughter, Anne Eliza Rodman, is represented by 24 letters, mostly addressed to her aunt Maria Hoffman, that include excellent descriptions of politics, society, and race relations in St. Augustine. George Fenno's four letters, also to his sister Maria, reflect the tedium felt by an educated urbanite set down in the countryside. Mary Elizabeth Fenno Verplanck's nine letters describe social life in Philadelphia, Fishkill, and Ballston Springs, and her efforts to mend a serious rift between her fiancée (later husband) and her brother-in-law Josiah. The ill-fated Caroline Fenno apparently had little time to write before dying, leaving only two letters describing life in Albany in 1804. James Bowdoin Fenno's six letters concern the business climate in South Carolina and Georgia and, as with all other Fenno correspondence, underscore the importance of family ties.

The second major series of correspondence in the Fenno-Hoffman Papers is centered on the children of Josiah Ogden Hoffman and his second wife Maria Fenno, Charles Fenno, George Edward, and Julia Hoffman. This series also includes eight letters from Josiah to his wife and sons, consisting principally of advice to his wife on how to run the household and, to his sons, on how to study industriously and become a credit to their "indulgent father." The letters he received in his old age from his children are particularly revealing of Josiah's personality. In these, Josiah appears as a hypochondriac and as a literal-minded businessman obsessed with commerce who had difficulty understanding any mindset other than his own.

As a poet and writer, Charles never ceased to perplex and irritate his father. Charles was a sensitive, observant man and an exceptional literary talent whose ability to express his thoughts and feelings grew as he grew older. His 62 letters to his brother (1826-1834, 1845) and sister (1833-1845) include discussions of many issues close to his heart, from his literary career to the "place" of the artist in society, from the continual rack and ruin of his personal finances to his family relationships, pastimes, politics, and general reflections on life. His letters to George are pun-filled and witty, even when he was in the throes of adversity. Charles wrote nine letters during his famous western trip, 1833-34, some of which were rough drafts intended for publication in the American after his sister Julia edited them. His letter of July 22, 1829 offers a marvelous description of an all-night party, and the single extant letter to his father (April 26, 1834) exhibits an uncharacteristic interest in politics, perhaps to please the elder Hoffman. There are also five excellent letters from a classmate of Charles, written while Charles was recuperating from the loss of his leg in New York. These are enjoyable, but otherwise typical schoolboy letters describing the typical assortment of schoolboy pranks.

The largest run of correspondence in the series of Hoffman letters, and the core of the collection, consists of the 63 letters from Julia to George. Julia's letters (1834-45) relate her experiences in several residences, particularly in the Philadelphia home of Jewish philanthropist, Rebecca Gratz (1781-1869). Julia comments frequently on Charles's literary activities and George's checkered career as a civil engineer. Much of what she writes is commonplace yet her style makes each episode intrinsically interesting. There are no letters from George. Considering that George was Julia's executor in 1861 and was responsible for Charles's well being after being committed to an asylum in 1849, suggests that George may have assembled the collection. The only item in the collection written by George is a love poem written for Phoebe on their first wedding anniversary. He was the recipient of letters from his brother and sister, but also his cousin William J. Verplanck, niece Matilda Whitman, sister-in-law Virginia Hoffman, and nephew Ogden Hoffman, Jr.

There is a single letter from Ogden Hoffman (1794-1856), Josiah's son by his first marriage to Mary Colden, in which he gives friendly advice to his young half-brother Charles. Ogden appears to have been a valued friend to his half-siblings. He was considered the outstanding criminal lawyer of his generation. There are no letters from the servant, Caty, but there are several excellent discussions of her, particularly in Julia Hoffman's letter of February 18, 1837 and James Fenno's letter of December 1, 1821.

Among the few miscellaneous pieces written by non-members of the family are four letters from Rebecca Gratz, a close friend of the family whose name runs throughout the entire collection, particularly in Julia Hoffman's correspondence.

The Jean Rousselin Collection is made up of three letters, one letterbook and correspondence record, five documents, and one imprint largely pertinent to Rousselin's time as a commercial agent in St. Domingue, Cuba, and Louisiana around the final period of the Haitian Revolution, 1802-1805. Additional letters and documents date from 1791-1794, 1809-1810, and 1814.

The Jean Rousselin Collection is made up of three letters, one letterbook and correspondence record, five documents, and one imprint largely pertinent to Rousselin's time as a commercial agent in St. Domingue, Cuba, and Louisiana around the final period of the Haitian Revolution, 1802-1805. Additional materials date from 1791-1794, 1809-1810, and 1814.

The letterbook and correspondence record volume contains copies of 20 outgoing letters from Jean Rousselin to merchants and investors in Le Havre, Paris, Port au Prince, and New York between September 6, 1802, and September 22, 1805. The volume also contains a record of an additional 18 letters from Rousselin to the same recipients, but without copies of the letters themselves.

The letterbook revolves around Jean Rousselin's oversight of goods at St. Domingue that were owned by his employer Marliani and Co. of Paris (at Rue Neuve-du-Luxembourg). Sometime in 1803 Rousselin was forced to evacuate from the island, managing to get a quantity of cloth and other product aboard a ship to Cuba. In his new location in or near Santiago de Cuba, Rousselin corresponded with Marliani at Paris; M. Gosselin at Le Havre; American factors/merchants, especially George Meade at Port au Prince and merchants Ralph B. Forbes and his brother James G. Forbes at New York. Rousselin spent around two years trying to arrange the sale of goods remaining at St. Domingue via George Meade (who died there in 1804), follow Meade's payments to Forbes, and secure funds through Forbes to pay Marliani. At the same time, Rousselin invested some of Marliani's capital to become co-owner of a coffee plantation near Santiago de Cuba. The coffee plantation investment underwent challenges and floundered for inadequate resources.

One letter (not part of the letterbook) dated October 20, 1804, contains Rousselin's vivid and detailed description of the landscape, people, culture, trade, leisure, and everyday life in Cuba, as shared with Dubuc at Le Havre. Other items in the collection include a 1794 statement of Rousselin's military service, his 1802 passport, and additional business letters and documents, particularly after Rousselin's arrival in New Orleans.

The Jean Rousselin collection also includes the imprint: Loi relative aux sieurs Bosque, Greslier, Guy, Leborgne & autres ; & au sieur Edmont Saint-Léger, commandant de la garde nationale de Tabago. A Paris: De l'Imprimerie Royale, 1791.

Please see the box and folder listing below for details about each item in the collection.

The John G. Spencer collection contains diaries and incoming correspondence of Spencer, a storekeeper in Pennsylvania, on political and business topics.

The John G. Spencer papers contain four letters and two diaries, spanning 1827-1855. The incoming letters date from 1844-1855 and are from friends and colleagues. They mainly concern Spencer's political activities and allegiance. The first letter invites Spencer and other members of the Oxford Clay Club to a pole-raising (September 24, 1844). Two other letters concern Spencer's involvement with political newspapers; one from "J. Brown" requests that Spencer enroll subscribers for the Intelligencer (August 6, 1850) and the other requests several issues of the "Clay Banner", which the writer [Eqi] Justice believed Spencer owned. In the final letter in the collection, Robert Beans advocated a strong antislavery stance in answer to an apparent inquiry by Spencer (September 26, 1855).

The collection's two diaries cover October 30, 1827 to November 23, 1827 and February 27, 1834 to mid-February 1836. The first is a 16-page travel diary entitled "Memorandum of a Voyage to the Falls of Niagara in the Autumn of 1827." In it, Spencer documented his observations on the falls themselves, as well as the places he visited during the journey. On New York City, he noted, "It exceeds Phila. in commercial business, but falls short of it in respect to neatness and elegance" (October 31). He also described rides on several steamboats, and the types of settlements and wildlife he encountered at various stops. After arriving at Niagara Falls on November 9, he gave an account of standing 10 feet from the waterfall, of walking around Devil's Hole, and of an evening trip to a Tuscarora Indian village, where he noted the industriousness of the women. On his return to Pennsylvania, he described travels through Ithaca and Owego. When he arrived home, he observed that the people he met "appear to be ardently engaged in the pursuit of wealth" (November 23, 1827).

The second diary contains scattered entries over a period of approximately two years. It begins with Spencer's marriage to Elizabeth Fetter on February 27, 1834, and his comments upon "giv[ing] up the gay and giddy pleasures of youth for the more solid and mature joys of the married state." Other early entries describe social visits, work in a store, agricultural activities, and health concerns. In the later part of the diary, he described local elections (June 6, 1835) and business activities, including going into business for himself (March 7, 1835).

The Leckie family papers document the business activities and relationships of Alexander Leckie and his sons, who traded dry goods between England, the United States, and the Caribbean around 1800.

The Leckie family papers contain 44 letters, 3 ledgers, 2 inventories, and a receipt, spanning 1794-1808. The materials primarily document the business activities of the Leckies, who traded dry goods between the United States, England, Jamaica, and Haiti. The correspondence contains many details on the nature of an ambitious mercantile business and matters affecting it during this period. These include political disruptions that threatened trading, especially in Santo Domingo (August 31, 1797), insurance of cargoes, the suitability of certain kinds of goods for specific markets (August 5, 1797), and the types of materials bought and sold, such as cloth, groceries, soap, and candles. The inventories provide further specifics on types of items and prices.

The letters also reveal family relations and their repercussions on the business. In their correspondence, the Leckie brothers frequently quarreled with and chastised one another. They found particular fault with Alexander, who, according to his brothers, made a number of bad contracts (April 7, 1795), as well as an "unfortunate and premature attachment" to a young woman in Virginia (December 28, 1795). In a letter of February 4, 1802, George discussed Alexander's enormous debts ("Alexander could not be indebted at New providence in any less sum than 100.000 Dollars"). Despite this, all three remained in the business at least until 1808.

William Leckie's letters, in particular, show him to be a keen observer of society. In a letter of August 15, 1802, he described the rapid growth of cotton as a crop, the construction of Washington, D.C., and his views on the American social and political scene. His comments on the growing tensions over slavery in the south would prove prophetic: "I have thought that two circumstances are likely to operate at possibly no very distant day to the disadvantage of this happy Country, the first is the great laxity of morals & religion…The other is the increasing quantity of blacks…who are all natives & many of whom can read & write, these will perhaps prove the bane of all the Southern States & by their struggles for freedom involve nearly one half of the Union in Civil Wars."

The Blandina Diedrich Collection is a selection of manuscript items compiled by her son Duane Norman Diedrich and dedicated to her memory. The content of these letters, sermons, documents, and other materials reflect the life and interests of Blandina Diedrich (1903-1996), most prominently subjects pertinent to Christianity, home, and the family.

The Blandina Diedrich Collection is a selection of manuscript items compiled by her son Duane Norman Diedrich and dedicated to her memory. The manuscripts reflect the life and interests of Blandina Diedrich, most prominently Christianity, home, and the family. Items include sermons from prominent ministers or preachers of different Protestant denominations, documents related to church operations and discipline, letters by prominent and everyday persons respecting their faith and beliefs, correspondence of missionaries, and reflections on religion's role in all manner of human endeavor.

The collection is comprised of over 260 letters, manuscript sermons and hymns, documents, and other items. For a comprehensive inventory and details about each item in the collection, please see the box and folder listing below.

The Preston Woodward correspondence contains letters by Paul S. Preston and Jackson Woodward, mainly discussing political topics such as the Mexican-American War, the Locofocos, and elections.

The Preston-Woodward correspondence contains letters written to Jackson Woodward by Paul S. Preston and business letters addressed to Woodward. The earliest items in the collection relate to Nathaniel A. Woodward of Bethany, Pennsylvania. Of these early letters, two from 1836 (also addressed to Jacob Faatz and Lucius Collins) discuss the election of delegates to amend the Pennsylvania state constitution and, to a lesser extent, national politics prior to the 1836 presidential election. The bulk of the collection pertains to Jackson Woodward, a lawyer from Honesdale, Pennsylvania, including incoming business-related correspondence and a personal letter from his brother, W. Woodward. Of particular interest within the collection are 58 letters composed by Paul S. Preston, as well as two by Jackson Woodward, discussing contemporary politics and prominent national and local political figures. Preston, who lived in Stockport, Pennsylvania, often took a scathing and humorous tone, as in his letter of November 29, 1845, in which he claimed that "since the day that the iron willed Tennessean, your illustrious namesake [Andrew Jackson] dressed despotism in the garb of Democracy, there is very little difference between an Emperor and a President."

A number of Preston's letters criticize the Locofocos, a radical wing of the Democratic Party founded in 1835 to protect the interests of workers and oppose monopolies and tariffs. Preston frequently characterized them as hypocritical, as in a letter of February 18, 1847, in which he compared the high salaries paid to Locofocoism's "panderers" and low wages earned by American soldiers fighting in Mexico. Preston also praised the Whig generals in the Mexican-American war as aggressive fighters (October 28, 1847), and included political poetry in several of his letters. His letter of January 2, 1850, contains a humorous petition in verse. Scattered letters concern presidential and midterm elections, and a lengthy letter of January 22, 1851, compares the attitudes of Yankees and Southerners, offering the opinion that the Southerners underestimate their dependence on slaves. On January 7, 1851, Preston criticized the Fugitive Slave Law and expressed his unwillingness "to be turned into a hound to run down a runaway negro."

Although the letters provide a much clearer picture of Preston than Woodward, the two men seemed to have held differing opinions on many issues, including slavery. In one of the two items he wrote, dated September 23, 1852, Woodward defended the Fugitive Slave Law and called abolitionism a "most mischievous, damnable doctrine."

The Suckley family papers provide documentation of family life, mercantile business, and the Methodist Church in antebellum New York City.

This Suckley collection is only a small residuum of a much larger collection, yet what remains provides important documentation of several aspects of nineteenth century life, particularly relating to commercial life in antebellum New York City and the Methodist Church.

Boxes 1 and 2 consists primarily of in-coming correspondence dated between 1791 and 1839, centering on the personal and professional life of George Suckley, with the earliest material originating in the family of his first wife, Miss Lang, in England. The letters contain some information on English Methodism (1:1-6, 16-18). Of particular interest are the letters of the Methodist missionary, Francis Asbury (1:10-11) and of the wife of Richard Reece, who began his itinerant ministry in 1787 (The Christian Advocate and Journal, May 13, 1846, contains a brief sketch of Reece's life). The letters of Catherine Rutsen Suckley and Joseph Holdich include discussions of the Methodist Church in America, and the missionary Freeborn Garretson, is discussed in several letters (1:21-23,25,26,32).

George Suckley's business correspondence includes dealings with the English firm of Holy, Newbould and Suckley (1:33-42,47) and two sets of letters from agents who Suckley retained to manage his vast land holdings, John Reed in upstate New York and John Rangeley in Maine. Among the personal correspondence are several letters from Philadelphia lawyer(?) Cornelius Comegys and letters from three of George Suckley's sons. John Lang Suckley wrote frequently to request money to pay his servants; Rutsen Suckley assisted in managing his father's properties, and Thomas Holy Suckley was a college student.

Box 3 contains family correspondence written after George's death in 1846. Among the family members represented are George's children Rusten, Mary, and Thomas Holy Suckley, and his grandson Dr. George Suckley (1830-1869). George's letters are the most intrinsically interesting, as they were written during a period in the 1850s when he was practicing in Oregon and Washington Territory and considering land investments in California. During this same period, Dr. Suckley was the recipient of several letters from David and Jack Green (apparently cousins of some sort). One item (3:39) relates to George's Civil War service. The later correspondence heavily concerns New York charities. One interesting letter (3:52) is a stableman's apology for drunkenness on Christmas.

Boxes 5 through 9 are arranged in folders by subject. Of particularly interest are materials that document the various New York City rental properties owned by Rutsen Suckley, recording rents collected and upkeep expenses between the 1840s and 1870s. The cost of living in New York can be calculated from bills and receipts for a wide range of products and services.