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During the secession crisis of 1861, the support of German immigrants was a key factor in consolidating Unionism in Missouri, and when war broke out, Germans throughout the west enlisted in large numbers. The 35 letters written by John Schroeder to his brother, James, between 1857 and 1862 provide a unique glimpse into the life of a German-American soldier during the Civil War.

The 35 letters written by John Schroeder to his brother, James, between 1857 and 1862 provide a unique glimpse into the life of a German-American soldier during the Civil War. Never shy about speaking his mind, quick and opinionated, Schoeder's letters are an outstanding resource for understanding one man's motivations and attitudes, and provide some excellent accounts of the early months of the war in northern Missouri. As a series, they constitute a mini-regimental history of the 3rd Iowa Infantry from its origin in June, 1861, through the Battle of Shiloh in April, 1862. Every letter in the collection is written in old script German, however Schroeder's handwriting is excellent and easily legible. Neither transliterations nor translations are available.

Chronologically and topically, Schroeder's letters fall into two discrete clusters. Seven letters, written between May 22 and September 13, 1857, describe Schroeder's sojourn in Minnesota, working on a potato farm in Liberty, Blue Earth County. These letters include excellent, lengthy descriptions of the territory while it was organizing for statehood. A staunch Republican, Schroeder kept a close eye on the struggle for political control of the state, but he was also keenly interested in the development of the state in terms of building roads, markets, and cities, opening lands, and combatting and expelling Indians.

The remainder of the letters in the collection comprise a nearly complete run of correspondencefor the period of Schroeder's enlistment in the 3rd Iowa Infantry Regiment. These letters document the utter confusion and occasional turmoil surrounding the first regiments raised in the west, and the logistical problems caused by the stumbling rush into war-time production and the appointment of political cronies to leadership positions in the military. Having been a Captain in the Steuben Guard, apparently a militia unit in eastern Iowa, Schroeder was particularly resentful of being passed over for a commission in favor of less qualified -- ignorant -- Americans. The sting of discrimination irritated him, but never detered him.

Though nearly all of the letters are good, Schroeder was at his best during the months of July through September, when the 3rd Iowa were stationed in northern Missouri. His letters from this period include descriptions of engagements near Kirksville, Shelbina and Paris, and Blue Mills Landing, but of greater interest is the sense they give of the shifts in the morale of the regiment as they first enter "enemy" territory, as they taste battle for the first time, and as they first experience defeat. Throughout his correspondence, Schroeder is concerned with the abilities of his fellow soldiers -- both German and American, with the officers in his regiment, and with higher officers, including Frémont, Sigel, and Hurlbut.

"Our Generals" is a lithograph album (17 x 13.25 cm) consisting of 24 gray-toned lithograph carte de visite sized portraits of Union Civil War generals sold commercially by Leavitt & Allen of New York in 1862.

"Our Generals" is a lithograph album (17 x 13.25 cm) consisting of 24 gray-toned lithograph portraits of Union Civil War generals sold commercially by Leavitt & Allen of New York in 1862. The initials "A.W." appear in pencil on the inside front cover. There is a pre-printed index of names.

On each page, there is one lithographed carte de visite mounted into pre-cut slots surrounded by red and white decoration. The images themselves are either close ups or full body portraits. The name of the subject is handwritten in pencil under each image.

The album's covers are brown leather embossed with a floral pattern, with two large decorative brass clasps. The two brass closure tabs are stamped with "Our Generals."

The William S. Burns papers consist of correspondence and a scrapbook that document Burns' time as a well-connected Union officer during the Civil War.

The collection includes a series of 57 letters and documents written by Burns to his brother, Charles, plus a scrapbook assembled for his son, Ned, in December, 1886. The scrapbook includes a mounted albumen photographic portrait of Burns, and consists of a series of articles written by Burns for a newspaper. These articles include excerpts of his war-time letters (some included in the collection), but are more fleshed out, including more anecdotes and information than the surviving correspondence. They appear to be very faithful accounts of his experiences, based on first-hand notes. Among the better accounts in the scrapbook are lengthy descriptions of the Battles of Pea Ridge and Pleasant Hill, a good narrative of the Meridian and Red River Campaigns. For Pleasant Hill and the Red River Campaign in general, Burns comments extensively on the course of the battle and where blame for the defeat should lie, suggesting that despite the best efforts of Smith, Banks lost the day.

Strongly committed to the Union cause, but not an abolitionist, Burns had the unusual benefit of high level connections that allowed him to negotiate fairly effectively for military appointments that suited his tastes and abilities. Burns appears to have been very highly regarded by his superior officers and his subordinates, and maintained very high standards that led him to be a harsh critic of the military inefficiency of several "political generals," particularly Samuel Curtis and Nathaniel Banks. His high standards did not preclude foraging (stealing) food from civilians, though he was repulsed - not to the point of taking disciplinary action - at the summary execution of guerrillas and at being ordered by A.J. Smith to burn the residence of Jacob Thompson, Secretary of the Interior during the Buchanan administration, in retaliation for offences committed by Lee's army in Virginia. Burns was not keen to set fire to Thompson's house, but after allowing the removal of personal and family items, he followed orders.

Burns seems either to have loved or hated his commanding officers, and was as fixated on them as he was critical. He comments extensively on the performance of Union generals under whom he served, reserving his highest praise for A.J. Smith and Sherman, a sort of bemused appreciation of Asboth, and scorn for any who crossed them.