Collections : [University of Michigan William L. Clements Library]

Andrew Robinson Giddinge , a Pejepscot, Maine, innkeeper, kept this diary between January 1 and February 28, 1835. His descriptive entries pertain to everyday aspects of his life, such as household chores, Christian Bible reading, newspaper and periodical reading, hearing difficulties, trips to New Gloucester, and visits with friends and family. Giddinge filled the margins of this diary with numerous small sketches pertinent to their accompanying entries.

Andrew Robinson Giddinge, a Pejepscot, Maine, innkeeper, kept this diary between January 1 and February 28, 1835. His descriptive entries pertain to everyday aspects of his life, such as household chores, Christian Bible reading, newspaper and periodical reading, hearing difficulties, trips to New Gloucester, and visits with friends and family. Giddinge filled the margins of this diary with numerous small sketches pertinent to their accompanying entries.

Andrew Giddinge's frequent visits with neighbors and family, including Parsons in-laws and daughter Anna (married to Nathan Ingersoll), sometimes included helping neighbors with tasks such as chopping wood or shaving a disabled friend. He also recorded the illnesses and deaths of persons in his family and social circles. On January 6, 1835, Andrew took wheat to be ground in Lewiston for a "Graham" meal (Sylvester Graham's regimen was also used by a family he visited on January 14, 1835). His discussions of family dynamics included reflections on whether or not callers came to see him or his son's wife Deborah Tarbox Giddinge, and whether or not he was "at home" or merely enjoying the hospitality of others. Giddinge also commented regularly on postal deliveries, with hopes for letters from his son George, who lived in Kentucky. He discussed different periodicals and interspersed quotes from works he read.

His descriptive entries include weather notations, and small sketches related to the day's entries fill the margins. Among the illustrations are razors, scissors, irons, buckets, a casket, manicules, clothing, people warming feet in hot water, clothes being washed, barrels, the moon, a mole, a musical instrument, an ax and grinder, kettles, wash tubs, baking and food, a goat, letters, logs being pulled, a butchered calf and a fish, a hearth, an umbrella, a heart with arrows, a copy of an illustration of scene from Tristram Shandy, and others.

This collection is made up of the correspondence and business papers of Andrew Law, composer and compiler of tune books. Dating primarily during his most productive professional years, these papers also contain manuscript sheet music and printed proof sheets.

The Law papers contain over 500 letters written during the most productive years of Andrew Law's professional career as a singing master, composer, and compiler of tune books, 1780-1821. Most of the correspondence relates to Law's musical publications, his ideas on music, and family matters, and together, they form an invaluable archive of the mind and work of one of the most prolific tunesmiths of the Early Republic.

In addition, the collection includes approximately 700 accounts, receipts, and other business papers; personal memoranda relating to Law's travels and financial affairs (350 pp.); 35 lists of students; and miscellaneous sheet music (368 pp.).

The Andrew Knox papers are comprised of 6 letters from Andrew Knox, a lieutenant in the 1st Connecticut Volunteer Heavy Artillery, to his wife Sarah in Danbury, Connecticut.

The Andrew Knox papers are comprised of six letters from Knox to his wife Sarah, written between July 31, 1862, and October 2, 1864. The letters convey rare and perceptive details about his locations and equipment, as well as deep affection for his wife and infant. In his letter of July 31, 1862, Knox described his pride in his regiment’s accomplishments after receiving accolades from Gen. George McClellan. In the next letter in the collection, dated August 3, 1864, and written from Union Headquarters in City Point, Virginia, Knox mentioned a nearby prison with 600 Confederate soldiers and a ride on a tugboat, on which he had “a pleasant little sail.”

Knox seemingly took a great interest in his equipment and wrote a detailed description of it for his wife: “The 13 inch mortar I have charge of is on a car made especially for it to be fired from. The mortar is a big thing. I weighs 17,185 # without the bed, and throws a shell when loaded weighing 230 #” (August 5, 1854).

Knox also speculated about strategy and future movements, as in his September 19, 1864, letter: “In regard to the expected battle down here, I do not think there will be any serious one for a long time unless the enemy makes the attack… My own observations lead me to think we will hold these lines for a long time. Many forts of a permanent nature are being made along the whole front. And the front lines are being retired in the rear of the forts in many places” (September 19, 1864).

Duncan's journal is a brief account of the earliest operations of the 23rd Ohio Infantry while serving in West Virginia in 1861. The orderly book contains copies of orders issued in 1864 and 1865 from the Headquarters of the Army of West Virginia and the Army of Shenandoah, including some signed by William McKinley.

Duncan's journal is a very well written, unfortunately brief account of the earliest operations of the 23rd Ohio, from its mustering in at Camp Chase through the first two months of its service in West Virginia. Even though the passages are generally short, they provide an excellent idea of the difficulties of operating in the mountainous country, and of the problems of poor training and discipline. There is a good second-hand description of the Battle of Rich Mountain, as well as two descriptions of the battlefield a month after the fact, and a long and detailed account of the Battle of Carnifex Ferry. As good as the battle descriptions, though, are his descriptions of the aftermath of Carnifex Ferry, particularly his powerful, grisly description of the expressions on the faces of corpses littering the battlefield.

The orderly book contains 35 routine carbon copies of orders issued late in the war from Headquarters of the Army of West Virginia and the Army of Shenandoah. The book was apparently originally William McKinley's, and many of the orders from Shenandoah are signed by him. Two orders are of some interest: one (in triplicate) dated April 27th, 1865, noting the capture of John Wilkes Booth, and the other, dated April 29th, reporting the surrender of Johnston's army to Sherman.

Duncan included four pencil sketches in his diary, 1) a rough sketch of a "Virginia secesh," 2) a view of Glenville, West Virginia, and sketches of the battlefields at 3) Rich Mountain and 4) Carnifex Ferry indicating troop placements, etc.

This collection is made up of 41 checks, almost all of which are drawn on the Merchants Bank of New Bedford and signed by ship agent, merchant, and bank director Andrew Hicks of Westport, Massachusetts. A number of these partially printed documents are checks of different banks, such as the Marine Bank and Bedford Commercial Bank, with the bank names crossed out and replaced in manuscript with "Merchants" Bank. Recipients of the checks include Andrew Hicks himself, insurance companies, suppliers, and various individuals. Many also include small, engraved images and vignettes of whales, ships and ship scenes, and a floundering whale capsizing a rowboat.

This collection is made up of 41 checks, almost all of which are drawn on the Merchants Bank of New Bedford by ship agent, merchant, and bank director Andrew Hicks of Westport, Massachusetts. A number of these partially printed documents are checks of different banks, such as the Marine Bank and Bedford Commercial Bank, with the bank names crossed out and replaced in manuscript with "Merchants" Bank. Recipients of the checks include Andrew Hicks himself, insurance companies, suppliers, and various individuals. A few names include Joseph Hicks, Hathaway Brightman, "Steam Propeller", Weston Howland, Horatio G. Oliver, and others.

Many of the checks also include small, engraved images and vignettes of whales, ships and ship scenes, and a floundering whale capsizing a rowboat. The engraving of the dying whale and upturned vessel is identified as a product of "Charles Taber & Co., No. 45 Union & No. 2 Purchase St. New Bedford."

The Andrew Brockway papers consist of letters written home by a young soldier in the 107th New York Infantry. The letters describe marches, occupying a town in Tennessee, and accounts of the Battles of Rocky Face Ridge and Chancellorsville.

The Andrew Brockway letters were written to his sister, Arelia from Virginia, Maryland, Tennessee, and Georgia, and deal primarily with camp life and troop movements. Brockway describes his many marches in detail, and he offers opinions on President Lincoln ("I did not see as old Abe looked any different from any human being"), Hooker ("There is no lack of faith in our commander... if the authority as Washington will only let him work"), and Meade ("Guess he is a little fearful of taking them [the Confederates] on their own ground").

Although the Brockway correspondence is very incomplete, it includes accounts of the Battles of Rocky Face Ridge and Chancellorsville, the latter written by Brockway's comrade, Ambrose B. Morgan. Brockway's letters from Shelbyville, Tenn., provide interesting commentary on the relations of an army of occupation with the citizens whose land they occupy. The description of a Washington's Birthday party at Shelbyville in 1864 is particularly charming.

The Andrew Billings papers contain letters concerning his business transactions, hardships in raising troops for the Revolution, the poor business climate of the early national period, the scarcity of money, and the new laws concerning the abolition of primogeniture. He also outlines an idea for creating a co-operative among Poughkeepsie-area merchants.

The Andrew Billings papers contain six letters written by Andrew Billings, two of which are addressed to Pierre Van Cortlandt, Sr., three to Pierre Van Cortlandt, Jr., and one to Gilbert Van Cortlandt, Pierre's son and Billings' partner in the failed firm, Cortlandt, Billings & Co. The collection also includes two account sheets and a letter written by Gilbert during the Revolution, probably addressed to Pierre Van Cortlandt, Sr.

Three letters in the Billings Papers are of substantial interest beyond the information they provide on the business transactions of the Van Cortlandt and Billings families. In the first, dated March 6, 1776, Billings discusses his hardships in raising troops in Westchester County. In the later two letters, dated June 15, 1785, and October 16, 1790, he bemoans the poor business climate of the early national period, the scarcity of money, and the new laws concerning the abolition of primogeniture. In the 1785 letter, he also outlines an interesting idea for creating a co-operative among Poughkeepsie-area merchants.

The Andrew Adams papers consist primarily of letters addressed to Adams, an attorney and politician, by his legal clients and colleagues.

The Andrew Adams papers consist primarily of letters, contracts, and bills addressed to Adams by his legal clients and colleagues. Letters come from Connecticut, Massachusetts, New York, New Hampshire, and Vermont. Among the letter writers are country store owner Samuel Sheldon, concerning the transfer of land through a deed; lawyer and Connecticut politician Elizur Goodrich, with a request to appear as John Blackburn's attorney; and legal correspondence from fellow Yale graduate and Continental Congress member Jedediah (Jedidiah) Strong.

Amzi and Lizzie Jones compiled journal entries and financial records in this approximately 350-page volume between 1863 and 1893. Most concern the daily operation of their farm near Smyrna, Tennessee, between 1873 and 1881.

Amzi and Lizzie Jones compiled journal entries and financial records in this approximately 350-page volume between 1863 and 1893. They repurposed an unused, pre-printed "Commission Book" (15.5"x10") formerly owned by J. B. Dunn. The Jones' entries concern the daily operation of their farm near Smyrna, Tennessee, between 1873 and 1881.

The first pages (7-15) and final pages (325-350) contain financial records Amzi Jones kept between January 1, 1867, and September 7, 1878, as well as additional records dated between 1870 and 1880. These reflect his expenses and income. The Jones family occasionally earned money by operating a cotton gin.

The bulk of the volume (pp. 16-319) consists of a "Diary of Farm, Field, Household, and Mill," which Amzi and his wife Lizzie wrote between January 1, 1873, and December 5, 1881. The diary is continued on 6 loose pages laid into the volume (November 6, 1881-December 20, 1881). Amzi composed entries from 1873 until his final illness in late 1878, and Lizzie continued to write regularly until 1881. The couple described aspects of their daily lives, such as social activities and visits, farm work, and finances. Occasionally, they mentioned elections or other important political events, such as President James Garfield's assassination.

Two brief original poems written in 1881 are on page 10; a copy of an 1874 land and labor contract is on page 330; and 2 pen sketches of people in profile are on the front cover and on page 339. Scattered notes on the final pages are dated as early as 1863 and as late as 1893. The volume is accompanied by an undated tintype photograph of Amzi Jones and a sewing pattern or template.

The Amy Kirby (later Amy Kirby Post) collection consists of courtship letters written to Charles Willets describing their relationship as well as Kirby's life as a Quaker.

Seven of these letters are courtship letters from Amy Kirby to Charles Willets, each one longer than the one before, until by the seventh, every page has cross-hatching. Her love for Charles developed over the course of the correspondence, and by her last letter, she wrote happily and assuredly about becoming his wife. The eighth, and final, letter is a beautiful testament of her love from Amy to Charles' parents after she had learned of her intended's death.

After having given Charles permission to initiate a correspondence while she was out visiting with Scipio friends, Amy's first letter appeared to indicate a change of heart. Although she admitted that she felt "what I may romantically call a pang at receiving" his declaration of love, she asked Charles to "dismiss me from thy remembrance without a sigh" (1824 March 9). She gave no satisfactory reason, and Charles refused to be put off. He proved himself capable of reading between the lines, and his next foray at least supplied an explanation -- however unsatisfactory. Amy confessed, "When I replyed to thy first, I did not think it prudent to announce a dedication of heart, without the knowledge of my parents -- as it was the most probable, the hand would next be required -- I therefore informed them, alone, with the circumstance, and found their approbation unattainable -- it still is and I trust ever will be -- and now Charles please, unreluctantly, relinquish the idea, for it is my duty to obey, and thine to submit" (1824 April 3). Amy went on to intimate that she felt strongly for Charles, but warned him, "think not that I intend by these acknowledgments to rekindle thy affection... I must bid adieu to thee forever..."

By the time Amy wrote again, in October, the situation had brightened, about as inextricably as it had shadowed over. Without the letters written by Charles it is difficult to deduct what the points of contention were. It appears that Amy doubted his sincerity somewhat, or else felt that she had to let Charles convince her of his sincerity for the course of a few months before she would allow herself to be persuaded of his honorable intentions. In any case, her parents no longer presented an obstacle, except that Amy could not bear the thought of parting from them or leaving Locust Grove. She handed her suitor a challenge: "therefore until thou canst teach me to believe, that Skaneateles is adjacent to Locust Grove, and that I can be happier, without parents than with, more comfortably separated from brothers and sisters, than together, and finally more happy with thee, than with anyone else, I can not I believe consent to become a Willets. . ." (1824 October 26).

He must have taught her, and quickly, for by the next spring, she was thawing: "Oh how often do I wish that the enduring ties of native home, would loose their power to charm, and then my heart, perhaps would dare to acknowledge that it gave thee the prefferance..." (1825 April 5). Amy was frank about her feelings for Charles, and stated, "I seam to think that what the hart dictates need not be repressed" (1825 January 30). In her last letter to him, she boldly shifted her focus to the physical realm: "the pressure of thy hand is indelibly stampt on my heart -- thou must never my dear C expose me or this to any one, I should blush to think that any one knew it but him to whom my hand is to be given. I fear I have written to warmly..." (1825 May 16).

The health of Charles, her family, and herself typically got a mention in Amy's letters. She put on weight, changing from 92 to 103 pounds, only to lose it all when she was confined with a cold for two weeks. She was concerned about Charles' cough, and recommended Anderson's drops. She took a molasses and butter mixture for her own sore throat. Amy also told Charles about what various Friends were up to socially, and speculated about which couples would next announce their engagements. His parents came to call on her, and she was relieved that they knew of their son's "prospect" and approved of his choice (1825 May 16).

Amy also wrote about some of the contention already surfacing amongst Quakers about their religious faith and practice. The theological disputes between reformers, led by Hicks, and the Orthodox Friends were further complicated by traveling Evangelical ministers from England, including Anna Braithwaite, who visited Hicks in January and March of 1824. Amy wrote to Charles, "it is likely you have heard of Anna Braithwaite's letter stating the antick notion doctrin professed by Elias Hicks and his reply, which is now published and to crown all Ann Shipley comes out with another printed letter affirming to the truth of A. B. statement after Elias had contradicted it, I think we grow worse and worse and what will be the end of this I know not but I believe the two women will tell more lies than one man..." (1824 October 26). The publication of Braithwaite's A letter from Anna Braithwaite to Elias Hicks on the nature of his doctrines (Philadelphia, printed for the reader, 1825) was the beginning of a pamphlet war between reformers and English Evangelicals that was still going on after the 1827-1828 separation.

When Braithwaite returned to America in 1825, Amy again expressed her own decided opinion: "O have the heard that Anna Braithwait is comeing again to America has got liberty of the monthly mg most folks are very sorry but for my part I am rather glad that she is comeing but I have little doubt but what she herself will be sorry for the truth apprehend will this time be told on her certificates" (1825 May 16). Apparently when Anna did arrive at Jericho in January of 1826 the meeting could not agree to endorse her traveling certificate as was customarily done, and finally it was just recorded as being received, without the typical approbation or the condemnation Amy had hoped for.