Collections : [University of Michigan William L. Clements Library]

The Amos A. Evans collection is comprised of 3 volumes: a "Prescription book of the U.S. Frigate Constitution," also known as "Old Ironsides" (1812); a "Daily Report of Cases in the Marine Barracks at the Navy Yard" at Charlestown, Massachusetts (1813); and a "Reefer's Log" written by Evan's son, Alexander Evans, during a trip from Maryland to Boston in 1833. These volumes provide an overview of the health of seamen aboard an American warship in 1812, along with the medical treatments of the day.

The Amos A. Evans collection is comprised of 3 volumes: a 266-page "Prescription book of the U.S. Frigate Constitution" (March 26-August 27, 1812); a 17-page "Daily Report of Cases in the Marine Barracks at the Navy Yard" at Charlestown, Massachusetts (1813); and a 33-page "Reefer's Log" written by Evan's son, Alexander Evans, during a trip from Maryland to Boston in 1833. The collection also contains 8 loose documents, located in the back of volume 1, including hospital expenditures, a medical supply inventory for the Constitution, and notes on the crew of the Independence.

Volume 1, entitled "The Daily Prescription Book on Board the Frigate Constitution," contains records of the daily treatments Evans prescribed for his patients, providing an overview of the health problems of seamen aboard a United States warship on the Atlantic coast during the War of 1812. Evans listed both in-patient and out-patient visits for each day, and recorded their names, complaints, diagnoses, and treatments. The most common entries relate to sexually transmitted diseases (often gonorrhea and syphilis), with diarrhea (gastroenteritis) being the next most common. Other complaints include delirium, opium overdose, epileptic convulsions and coughing up blood. In accord with the advice of Dr. Rush, Evans treated vomiting with an emetic, ipecac; diarrhea with a laxative, castor oil; and other complaints with bleeding, blistering and poultices. On average, Evans listed about 30 patient visits per day.

Evans witnessed the Constitution's encounter with the British ship, Guerrière, on August 19, 1812, one of the first sea battles of the War of 1812. Evans described in detail the injuries and treatment of five crew members and two officers wounded during the battle (pages 255-263).

1. March 6, 1813: An inventory of medicine, instruments, and supplies for the Frigate Constitution.
2. December 10-23, 1815: Expenditures of hospital food stores, signed S.D. Townsend.
3. January 7-20, 1816: Expenditures of hospital food stores, signed by S.D. Townsend.
4. January 16, 1816: Receipt of goods for the ship Independence.
5. January 25-27, 1816: A medical report and autopsy on the treatment and death of William Oaty, who suffered as a result of the accidental discharge of a pistol.
6. [1816]: A report on damages to the Independence.
7. [1816]: Copy of accounts to George Bates for supplies for the Independence.
8. April 9, 1846: A copy of a report from Evans to Commander Christopher Morris stating that John Wentworth was wounded on board the Constitution, on August 10, 1812. Evans also described his treatment of the injury.

Volume 2 is entitled "Daily Report of the Cases in the Navy Yard at Charleston." Covering from August 7-16, 1813, and spanning 17 pages, Evans recorded his treatments for cases of syphilis, gonorrhea, other venereal diseases, drunkenness, diarrhea, dysentery, scurvy, infections, coughs, injuries, and other ailments. Evans wrote down the name, symptoms, and treatment for each patient, and gave each a case number. He sometimes noted rank and whether or not the patient was a marine.

In the back of the book is a single case history of a man who punctured his lung from fractured ribs sustained from a fall off a wagon (July 18, 1818). Despite Dr. Evan's treatment of drawing more than five pints of blood over the ensuing five days, the patient recovered and was able to walk five miles by the end of the month. By this time, Dr. Evans had returned to private practice in Elkton, Maryland.

Scattered throughout the largely-blank interior of the book are six brief entries on plant and flower classification. These notes were written in a different hand and one entry is dated 1850.

Volume 3 is a 33-page travel log, entitled "A Reefer's Log," written by Alexander Evans, and addressed to his father, Amos Evans (September 7, 1833). Alexander Evans described his trip from the family home in Maryland to Boston by steamship and buggy, with stops along the way in Delaware, Pennsylvania, New Jersey, New York, Connecticut, and Rhode Island. Evans wonders at the improvements in travel: "it is no longer necessary for one who goes from city to city to make his will...what used to be an immense journey 100 years ago[,] vis. From Maryland to Boston[,] but now is no more than a hop skip and jump" (page 1). He also described architecture, terrain, and people he encountered during the journey. In Boston, several old friends of his father's showed him the navy yard and the surrounding towns. Evans reported on the layout of the Charlestown navy yard as well as the interiors of the Constitution and the Independence (pages 10-11). He also toured a paper mill and wrote about the machinery in the factory (page 19). He visited Noah Webster (page 16), attended a Harvard commencement (page 25), and listened to a Boston glee club (page 20).

This collection contains letters that United States Army lieutenant (and later general) Amos Beebe Eaton wrote while training at the United States Military Academy and traveling in New York, Connecticut, Ohio, and Michigan. His early letters reflect the daily life of cadets at West Point in the mid-1820s, and his later letters to his wife provide family news, as well as information about the Army and contemporary politics.

This collection (59 items) contains letters that United States Army lieutenant (and later general) Amos Beebe Eaton wrote to his grandmother, Tryphena Cady of Canaan, New York, and to his wife, Elizabeth Selden Eaton.

Eaton wrote 6 letters to his grandmother between September 14, 1822, and March 26, 1826, while attending the United States Military Academy at West Point, New York. He described cadets' daily lives at the academy, including their physical regimen, and discussed the possibility of remaining in the military after graduation. Though he considered applying for the marine corps or becoming a doctor, he stayed with the army, and wrote 3 letters to his grandmother between April 16, 1828, and October 21, 1830, while he served at the Hancock Barracks near Houlton, Maine. A group of 5 letters, written to his sister and grandmother from Fort Niagara, New York, between February 21, 1831, and November 8, 1833, concern his movements with the army and his family life, including news of his new wife and young daughters. He also described Fort Niagara and shared some of his opinions on enlisted men. He wrote to his grandmother from Fort Gratiot, Michigan Territory, on July 7, 1834, commenting on his distrust of the pursuit of recognition.

Between 1832 and 1836, Eaton wrote to his wife Elizabeth ("Betsy") while he traveled in New York, Connecticut, Ohio, and Michigan, on military and personal business. He often mentioned family members, religious sentiments, and general details of his daily life. Two letters were written from Detroit during the Black Hawk War, in which he briefly mentioned ill soldiers, his opinion about the mistreatment of Native Americans, and the military's pursuit of Black Hawk (July 24 and 30, 1832). In another he discussed foreign relations with France as well as abolitionism (February 12, 1836). The collection also contains 2 letters that Eaton wrote while serving as Commissary General of Subsistence in 1867.

Several letters are addressed to Amos Eaton. One, written by "Gordon" on August 10, 1832, comments on the public reaction to and possible consequences of a recently published letter of Amos's, wherein he attributes the cholera outbreak in the military during the Black Hawk War to the mistreatment of Native Americans. Also included is a letter that Amos Beebe Eaton's father wrote to his son with extracts of his communication with New York Senators about the motivations behind Eaton's statements, a partial copy of the offending letter, and the impact it had on his military career (September 21, 1838). Other material includes one letter addressed to Elizabeth Eaton from a sibling (July 3, 1836) and a copied document signed by several recruits, stating that they had recently received pay (June 9, 1835).

The Amos Bradbury papers contain letters largely from Amos Bradbury to his mother Miranda Stanhope and brother Samuel Bradbury, Jr., which provide a valuable account of life in central California during the Gold Rush era.

The Amos Bradbury papers contain 67 letters largely from Amos Bradbury to his mother Miranda Stanhope and brother Samuel Bradbury, Jr., written between 1848 and 1863. His letters provide a valuable account of life in central California during the Gold Rush era. The collection holds 51 letters from Bradbury, 2 early letters from his brother Samuel, 9 letters from his mother, and 4 letters from Bradbury's friend Joseph B. Leonard. The letters track Bradbury’s movements between San Francisco (1850), Stanislaus (1851), Mountain Ranch (1852), Indian Gulch (1853-1857), Stanislaus River (1856-1860), and Mokelumne City, California (1862).

Bradbury’s earliest letters were addressed from Boston, where he worked in the shipping trade as a first mate. He first mentioned the idea of going to California in a letter to his mother from July 11, 1849. By September 28 of that year, he was at sea on his way to California and, by the next letter, dated January 3, 1850, was in Valparaiso, Chile, after traveling around Cape Horn. In his letter of April 28, 1850, written from San Francisco, he stated his intention not to pan for gold, but to start a store near the mines.

Along with Bradbury’s letters from 1850 and 1851 are 4 items from Joseph B. Leonard, Captain of the Boston ship Grotius, who was in San Francisco at the same time as Bradbury. These letters a were addressed to Miranda Stanhope and, for the most part, reported the safety and well being of her son Amos, and described some of the dangers of California life. Leonard's son, and a man named George Moore, accompanied Bradbury to the mines.

Amos settled in Stanislaus, California, in early 1851. In his letter of March 13, 1851, he described women near the mines: "Excepting indian squaws they are very numerous, although not any handsome." By 1852, Amos was running a successful public house in Mountain Branch, California, with George Moore, though by the end of the year, their business partner had abandoned the establishment. By early 1853, Amos owned three claims around Indian Gulch, California, and expressed renewed confidence to his family that he would discover gold. In his letter to his brother Samuel, of February 10, 1853, he explained the work involved in prospecting. On February 22, 1853, however, he mentioned to his mother that he was finding little gold. He continued prospecting this plot for a number of years and in the November 5, 1854, letter wrote "the height of my ambition is to get gold enough to make us all comfortable."

Bradbury scraped by on meager findings over the next five years. As early as July 13, 1860, in a letter to his brother, he mentioned the idea of running a ferry on the Stanislaus River, and by April 22, 1862, Bradbury reported to his mother that he had, in fact, pursued this line of work in Mokelumne City, California. By then he had made two trips up to Lockeford, California, which was 60 miles further up stream than any steamer had gone before. In his next letter, he mentioned that he had been made master of the Pert and intended to travel to San Francisco on a weekly basis. Bradbury was also master of the steamer the Fanny Ann (August 14, 1863). By February 25, 1863, he discussed buying a store, and that he had chopped off his "little toe."

This collection also includes 9 letters from Miranda Stanhope, Amos's mother, who expressed relief at hearing of her son’s good health, and shared news from Old Town, Maine. Her letters are emotional and demonstrate deeply-held religious beliefs. These letters may be unsent drafts, since they rarely contain signatures or addresses, and some of them are unfinished and two are undated. Of note is her letter to Amos of June 15, 1863, in which she discussed "the beautiful war" and the effect it has had on "the poor Negroes…[who] tear with their teeth, when deprived of their arms. Their very instinct, prompts to liberty or death." She went on at length about the desire of the Southerners to "perpetuate slavery...the worst system the world ever knew" and described slavery as an eternal sin: "Yes greatly have they injured us; but theirs is infinite, not ours."

The lone item in the Miscellaneous series is a two-page document written by Bradbury, which is possibly a fragment or draft of a letter, which is dated but not directed to a specific person.

Amos Stearns, who enlisted in the 25th Massachusetts Infantry during the Civil War, was held as a prisoner of war by the Confederates from May 1864 to March 1865. His account of his Civil War service and imprisonment, entitled Life in Rebel Prisons, offers insight into his experiences and the ways in which the experiences of war were recrafted in the minds of veterans as the years passed.

Amos E. Stearns's account of his Civil War service and imprisonment, entitled Life in Rebel Prisons, is remarkably free of visible animosity towards his Rebel captors and is therefore a rather unusual document. Beginning with his capture at Drewry's Bluff and ending with his release, Stearns depicts his captivity as part of a harsh reality, but without attributing cruel intentions to anyone: even Henry Wirz, the infamous commandant at Andersonville, receives relatively favorable treatment. Since the narrative was written following the war (published in 1887 as Narrative of Amos E. Stearns, A Prisoner at Andersonville), time may have softened Stearns's opinions of the Confederates, or it may be that he was simply more empathetic or more forgiving.

Stearns's published diary, which probably provides the original source material for this narrative, provides a more downhearted sense of the despair and hardships suffered during imprisonment. Together, the two volumes provide a balanced record of Stearns' experiences, offering insight as well into the ways in which the experiences of war were recrafted in the minds of veterans as the years passed.

This 108-page orderly book belonged to Major General Amos Hall, who commanded a New York militia unit near Buffalo, New York, during the War of 1812. The volume contains general orders and communications between Hall and other commanding officers stationed in western New York between December 24, 1813, and April 10, 1814. Two newspaper articles, published as late as 1893, are pasted on the book's final pages. The orderly book is accompanied by 4 copies of 2 reports of the United States House of Representatives in the 1840s, concerning financial claims John R. Williams made for property lost during the Niagara campaign of the War of 1812. Also included are a belt and attached buckle.

This 108-page orderly book belonged to Major General Amos Hall, who commanded a New York militia unit near Buffalo, New York, during the War of 1812. The volume contains general orders and communications between Hall and other commanding officers stationed in western New York between December 24, 1813, and April 10, 1814. Two newspaper articles, published as late as 1893, are pasted on the book's final pages. The orderly book is accompanied by 4 copies of 2 reports of the United States House of Representatives in the 1840s, concerning financial claims John R. Williams made for property lost during the Niagara campaign of the War of 1812. Also included are a belt and attached buckle.

The Orderly Book contains copies of general orders and correspondence issued daily between December 24, 1813, and December 29, 1813 (pp. 1-20), as well as orders and correspondence issued less regularly between January 10, 1814, and April 10, 1814 (pp. 20-108). Entries are composed in a number of different hands. Most orders were issued at American headquarters in Batavia, Buffalo, and Williamsville, New York, and from other unnamed posts in the Niagara region. The first order pertains to Hall's assumption of command of troops assembled near Buffalo. Throughout the following months, he issued and received orders about several aspects of the campaign in western New York, such as troop movements, troop numbers, and developments in the war. Other topics include the transfer of prisoners of war (January 10, 1814, pp. 40-41) and the hire of local Native Americans (December 27, 1813, pp. 11-12).

A copy of Amos Hall's certificate of membership in the Society of the Cincinnati is laid into the volume (July 4, 1786), and 2 newspaper clippings are pasted on its final pages: "In Olden Times. Robert Sutcliff's Travels in the Genesee Country" (Stephen B. Ayers, Post-Express, February 28, 1893) and "Interesting Sketch of Gen. Amos Hall" (Myron S. Hall, the Journal, undated).

The Government Publications series is comprised of 2 copies each of 2 printed reports issued by the United States House of Representatives, concerning claims John R. Williams made against the United States government for property destroyed by the British Army in December 1813 (Report No. 102, February 7, 1845) and for land near Detroit, Michigan (Report No. 5, December 20, 1847).

The Realia item is a belt with its original buckle still attached. The buckle depicts a grenade over the number "100," and originally belonged to a member of the British Army's 100th Regiment of Foot grenadiers.

The A. Munro correspondence contains nine letters written by the Michigan laborer from 1872-1873, addressed to his wife in Ohio. The letters describe the timber industry and the challenges presented by harsh Michigan winters.

The A. Munro correspondence contains nine letters written by the Michigan laborer from 1872-1873, addressed to his wife in Ohio. In his letters, Munro described the challenges facing timber industry workers in Michigan's harsh winter climate. Though he was happy to be employed by Holden & Loney, Munro initially planned to return to Ohio in the spring of 1873. His most frequent complaints were about the weather, as he told Mary, "I hate to leave Mr. Loney but what can I do it's a pretey hard place to live hear" (January 26, 1873). Munro described his financial difficulties and frequently promised Mary that he would send her a portion of his wages. By March 1873, Munro's thoughts on moving seemed to have changed, and he wrote, "Mary I have no great liking to go to Ohio[.] Some how or other & if do go it will be to stay the summer season & return hear in the fall when cold weather coms" (March 25, 1873). In the final letters, Munro indicated that he was making arrangements for Mary and their young son to live in Michigan City, Indiana. His letter dated November 15, 1872, contains a child's pencil sketch.

The Amy Kirby (later Amy Kirby Post) collection consists of courtship letters written to Charles Willets describing their relationship as well as Kirby's life as a Quaker.

Seven of these letters are courtship letters from Amy Kirby to Charles Willets, each one longer than the one before, until by the seventh, every page has cross-hatching. Her love for Charles developed over the course of the correspondence, and by her last letter, she wrote happily and assuredly about becoming his wife. The eighth, and final, letter is a beautiful testament of her love from Amy to Charles' parents after she had learned of her intended's death.

After having given Charles permission to initiate a correspondence while she was out visiting with Scipio friends, Amy's first letter appeared to indicate a change of heart. Although she admitted that she felt "what I may romantically call a pang at receiving" his declaration of love, she asked Charles to "dismiss me from thy remembrance without a sigh" (1824 March 9). She gave no satisfactory reason, and Charles refused to be put off. He proved himself capable of reading between the lines, and his next foray at least supplied an explanation -- however unsatisfactory. Amy confessed, "When I replyed to thy first, I did not think it prudent to announce a dedication of heart, without the knowledge of my parents -- as it was the most probable, the hand would next be required -- I therefore informed them, alone, with the circumstance, and found their approbation unattainable -- it still is and I trust ever will be -- and now Charles please, unreluctantly, relinquish the idea, for it is my duty to obey, and thine to submit" (1824 April 3). Amy went on to intimate that she felt strongly for Charles, but warned him, "think not that I intend by these acknowledgments to rekindle thy affection... I must bid adieu to thee forever..."

By the time Amy wrote again, in October, the situation had brightened, about as inextricably as it had shadowed over. Without the letters written by Charles it is difficult to deduct what the points of contention were. It appears that Amy doubted his sincerity somewhat, or else felt that she had to let Charles convince her of his sincerity for the course of a few months before she would allow herself to be persuaded of his honorable intentions. In any case, her parents no longer presented an obstacle, except that Amy could not bear the thought of parting from them or leaving Locust Grove. She handed her suitor a challenge: "therefore until thou canst teach me to believe, that Skaneateles is adjacent to Locust Grove, and that I can be happier, without parents than with, more comfortably separated from brothers and sisters, than together, and finally more happy with thee, than with anyone else, I can not I believe consent to become a Willets. . ." (1824 October 26).

He must have taught her, and quickly, for by the next spring, she was thawing: "Oh how often do I wish that the enduring ties of native home, would loose their power to charm, and then my heart, perhaps would dare to acknowledge that it gave thee the prefferance..." (1825 April 5). Amy was frank about her feelings for Charles, and stated, "I seam to think that what the hart dictates need not be repressed" (1825 January 30). In her last letter to him, she boldly shifted her focus to the physical realm: "the pressure of thy hand is indelibly stampt on my heart -- thou must never my dear C expose me or this to any one, I should blush to think that any one knew it but him to whom my hand is to be given. I fear I have written to warmly..." (1825 May 16).

The health of Charles, her family, and herself typically got a mention in Amy's letters. She put on weight, changing from 92 to 103 pounds, only to lose it all when she was confined with a cold for two weeks. She was concerned about Charles' cough, and recommended Anderson's drops. She took a molasses and butter mixture for her own sore throat. Amy also told Charles about what various Friends were up to socially, and speculated about which couples would next announce their engagements. His parents came to call on her, and she was relieved that they knew of their son's "prospect" and approved of his choice (1825 May 16).

Amy also wrote about some of the contention already surfacing amongst Quakers about their religious faith and practice. The theological disputes between reformers, led by Hicks, and the Orthodox Friends were further complicated by traveling Evangelical ministers from England, including Anna Braithwaite, who visited Hicks in January and March of 1824. Amy wrote to Charles, "it is likely you have heard of Anna Braithwaite's letter stating the antick notion doctrin professed by Elias Hicks and his reply, which is now published and to crown all Ann Shipley comes out with another printed letter affirming to the truth of A. B. statement after Elias had contradicted it, I think we grow worse and worse and what will be the end of this I know not but I believe the two women will tell more lies than one man..." (1824 October 26). The publication of Braithwaite's A letter from Anna Braithwaite to Elias Hicks on the nature of his doctrines (Philadelphia, printed for the reader, 1825) was the beginning of a pamphlet war between reformers and English Evangelicals that was still going on after the 1827-1828 separation.

When Braithwaite returned to America in 1825, Amy again expressed her own decided opinion: "O have the heard that Anna Braithwait is comeing again to America has got liberty of the monthly mg most folks are very sorry but for my part I am rather glad that she is comeing but I have little doubt but what she herself will be sorry for the truth apprehend will this time be told on her certificates" (1825 May 16). Apparently when Anna did arrive at Jericho in January of 1826 the meeting could not agree to endorse her traveling certificate as was customarily done, and finally it was just recorded as being received, without the typical approbation or the condemnation Amy had hoped for.

Amzi and Lizzie Jones compiled journal entries and financial records in this approximately 350-page volume between 1863 and 1893. Most concern the daily operation of their farm near Smyrna, Tennessee, between 1873 and 1881.

Amzi and Lizzie Jones compiled journal entries and financial records in this approximately 350-page volume between 1863 and 1893. They repurposed an unused, pre-printed "Commission Book" (15.5"x10") formerly owned by J. B. Dunn. The Jones' entries concern the daily operation of their farm near Smyrna, Tennessee, between 1873 and 1881.

The first pages (7-15) and final pages (325-350) contain financial records Amzi Jones kept between January 1, 1867, and September 7, 1878, as well as additional records dated between 1870 and 1880. These reflect his expenses and income. The Jones family occasionally earned money by operating a cotton gin.

The bulk of the volume (pp. 16-319) consists of a "Diary of Farm, Field, Household, and Mill," which Amzi and his wife Lizzie wrote between January 1, 1873, and December 5, 1881. The diary is continued on 6 loose pages laid into the volume (November 6, 1881-December 20, 1881). Amzi composed entries from 1873 until his final illness in late 1878, and Lizzie continued to write regularly until 1881. The couple described aspects of their daily lives, such as social activities and visits, farm work, and finances. Occasionally, they mentioned elections or other important political events, such as President James Garfield's assassination.

Two brief original poems written in 1881 are on page 10; a copy of an 1874 land and labor contract is on page 330; and 2 pen sketches of people in profile are on the front cover and on page 339. Scattered notes on the final pages are dated as early as 1863 and as late as 1893. The volume is accompanied by an undated tintype photograph of Amzi Jones and a sewing pattern or template.

The Andrew Adams papers consist primarily of letters addressed to Adams, an attorney and politician, by his legal clients and colleagues.

The Andrew Adams papers consist primarily of letters, contracts, and bills addressed to Adams by his legal clients and colleagues. Letters come from Connecticut, Massachusetts, New York, New Hampshire, and Vermont. Among the letter writers are country store owner Samuel Sheldon, concerning the transfer of land through a deed; lawyer and Connecticut politician Elizur Goodrich, with a request to appear as John Blackburn's attorney; and legal correspondence from fellow Yale graduate and Continental Congress member Jedediah (Jedidiah) Strong.

The Andrew Billings papers contain letters concerning his business transactions, hardships in raising troops for the Revolution, the poor business climate of the early national period, the scarcity of money, and the new laws concerning the abolition of primogeniture. He also outlines an idea for creating a co-operative among Poughkeepsie-area merchants.

The Andrew Billings papers contain six letters written by Andrew Billings, two of which are addressed to Pierre Van Cortlandt, Sr., three to Pierre Van Cortlandt, Jr., and one to Gilbert Van Cortlandt, Pierre's son and Billings' partner in the failed firm, Cortlandt, Billings & Co. The collection also includes two account sheets and a letter written by Gilbert during the Revolution, probably addressed to Pierre Van Cortlandt, Sr.

Three letters in the Billings Papers are of substantial interest beyond the information they provide on the business transactions of the Van Cortlandt and Billings families. In the first, dated March 6, 1776, Billings discusses his hardships in raising troops in Westchester County. In the later two letters, dated June 15, 1785, and October 16, 1790, he bemoans the poor business climate of the early national period, the scarcity of money, and the new laws concerning the abolition of primogeniture. In the 1785 letter, he also outlines an interesting idea for creating a co-operative among Poughkeepsie-area merchants.