Collections : [University of Michigan William L. Clements Library]

The Francis Edmonds papers document the art and business world of the early 19th century and the interrelationship between business and the arts. The correspondence reveals both the practical and aesthetic concerns of artists, and the interest of business men in art as a symbol of personal and national "culture."

The Francis Edmonds papers are about evenly divided between the banking and art scene. The collection is valuable in depicting the interrelationship between business and the arts in mid-nineteenth century New York, where a small group of men dominated art promotion and patronage. Edmonds, a man with one foot in both worlds, naturally occupied a prominent position, and his correspondence reveals both the practical and aesthetic concerns of artists, and the interest of business men in art as a symbol of personal and national "culture."

There are 70 different correspondents represented in this small collection, so its story must be pieced together from multiple fragments. Luckily, there are two published biographies of Edmonds which help to make sense of this scattered correspondence by placing it in context. Roughly, the letters can be divided into those from artists, those from business contacts, and those to or from family members. Their subject matter, however, is not so neatly separated -- and that is what makes the Edmonds Papers so interesting, for bankers talk of art in addition to business, artists of finances as well as aesthetics, and Edmonds may have been the only man to whom these combined interests were communicated.

The largest set of correspondence consists of letters from Francis Edmonds to elder brother John Worth Edmonds, who became prominent as a judge, politician, and writer on spiritualism. Letters written between 1823 and 1829 show the young man to have been much inclined toward personal improvement, and to have looked upon his elder brother as a worthy critic and role model. He self-consciously uses their correspondence as a means to improve his writing style and intellectual development, and mentions writing projects he is at work on. An 1829 letter refers to progress in art work: "About my neighborhood I am getting to be a little known as a painter however I am not at all intoxicated with success as yet."

Edmonds' letters to his brother reveal little of marriage or home life, but are good barometers of his psychological state and his views on life. Clearly he had no illusions about the business and political world, commenting in a March 31, 1829 letter that the Edmonds family had been "to [sic] kind in this world, too much trusting to the good will of mankind and they have suffered for their generosity. It is time we changed their nature's [sic]. ... if two hands are offered you spit in the worst & shake the best." Perhaps this attitude sustained him later on when he lost his prominent banking position, for he comments to his brother in October 1856 that "the sensitive feeling which has so influenced my conduct in going into the world is rapidly wearing away," which he knew would happen with time. In August, 1859, he writes that he is unhappy with his new position at the American Bank Note Company, and has to take the "bile" of those who are jealous and competitive of one another. It appears that he may have had an opportunity to regain his old bank job, but writes to John in 1861 that he has no interest in it, as his old boss would feel threatened by him.

Letters to Edmonds from John Gourlie, Charles Leupp, Jonathan Sturges, and Fanning Tucker, primarily dating from the 1840's, depict the interest in art held by some in the business world. These men, all of whom knew Edmonds in a business setting, also associated with him in societies for the promotion of art, bought and commented upon his paintings and those of other artists, and looked to him for advice when acquiring art for themselves. Many of the letters discuss both banking and art. A particularly interesting one, from Gourlie on June 15, 1841, criticizes artists' refusal to be business-like. Commenting upon rivalry between the Apollo Association and the N.A.D., he remarks that artists "are a queer set. ... So sensitive and at the same time so blind to their own interests." He believes popularization of art, as the Apollo does with its subscriptions for pictures or engravings, is the key to supporting artists, for "[a]ssociations in this country are what the aristocracy is in Europe." Gourlie asserts that rivalry between the Academy and Apollo is a good thing, for "rivalry is the life of all business and pictures may be made business matters as well as cotton or cocoa.!"

Yet correspondence to Edmonds from fellow-artists show them to have been aware that their work was a commodity. An 1841 January 30 letter from Daniel Huntington to Edmonds in Paris comments on hard times in New York, remarking that the arts are now "stagnant," as "[t]he mass of painters are I believe lasily waiting with hands in empty pockets for the revival of Commerce & the increase of orders for portraits." Huntington has sold a sketch he began in Rome of "one of those ragged and flea-inhabited beggar boys" for $100, and sold two heads painted at Florence for $150 each. He must be concerned with what will sell well "in these starving times." Artists Joseph Adams, Thomas Cole, and John Kensett also write of both art and money. They seem to have used Edmonds as a combination personal banker and agent, asking him to sell paintings for them, choose and execute stock transactions, or make loans with paintings offered as collateral. Because of his contacts he was also able to secure artists commissions, contracting with Cole for a painting, employing Asher Durand to copy a picture for engraving, hiring engravers to work from paintings to prepare Apollo Association and Art-Union premium offerings.

The artists' letters are highly interesting for their gossip and commentary on the art scene, both in New York and abroad. They describe work in progress, discuss the merits of major exhibitions, comment on the activities of the N.A.D., and chronicle the life of the expatriate artist as he moves from place to place in season, sending work home for display and (hopefully) sale, scrambling for funds to finance work abroad. It seems to have been a small and convivial "old boys' network" who worked and traveled together and critiqued each other's painting. Edmonds enjoyed seven months of the artist's life in 1840-41, and perhaps this cemented his position as an insider with other artists.

In two important letters of 1840 November 7 and 1842 December 14 Thomas Cole agrees to do a painting of Mt. Etna on commission and describes the finished product. He explains the location and elements of the picture in detail, noting that he may be accused of having "scattered the flowers with too profuse a hand. This is not possible. Sicily is truly the land of flowers..." He hopes the picture "will come to the lot of some one whom we would choose," or that "some good New Yorker will purchase it. I myself will give a hundred dollars & the View of Lake Schroon in Mr. Ridner's room for it." In April 1843 John Kensett writes extensively of the Paris art scene, describing specific works he has seen and including a small pencil sketch of one by Jules Louis Coignet.

Also of particular interest are three 1844 London letters from publisher and bookseller George Putnam, who worked to raise awareness of American art abroad. One solicits articles on American art from Edmonds, assuring him that despite prejudice there are many in England who would be interested in "a little information about American doings in some other arts than the art of raising the wind." In December, reporting on the disappointing reaction of a major critic to three American paintings Edmonds sent for display, he ruefully remarks that the criticism typified English ignorance of America. Putnam was advised to "'tell them to paint some American subject (!) Something of the Indian life.' He was rather incredulous when I suggested that Indians were as great a novelty, nearly, in New York as in London." Still, he wrote, hundreds had viewed and appreciated the paintings, so they had served a good purpose.

One letter in the collection involves neither art nor banking, but Civil War service in Virginia. It is from an old friend of Edmonds, William Fenton, who went to war along with his two sons and served as a colonel in the 8th Michigan regiment. Fenton describes a massive camp along the Rappahannock in detail and indignantly decries the "slaughter" at Fredericksburg as "almost unjustifiable," and due to "old fogeyism" in military strategy. "What was good strategy in the time of Napoleon may not be now." He criticizes political meddling in war and the advancement of "pets." Fenton encourages Edmonds to visit camp, for "[s]uch sights will never again be seen on this continent."

Besides correspondence, news clippings, some later genealogical material, and a draft excerpt from Edmonds' autobiography (ca.1860), the collection includes several pencil sketches by the artist. Eight rough but skillful sketches on small scraps of paper feature indoor and outdoor scenes of people and animals. One is water-colored. There is also a large preliminary study of Edmonds painting "The Bashful Cousin". It is not identified as such, and background scene and details differ from the finished version, but the two main characters are clearly recognizable.

The Peebles journal consists of a diary kept by Frank Peebles describing his life as a young man in pre-Civil War Alabama. The diary is then taken up by Frank's mother, Sophia, and describes her life teaching and keeping house in antebellum Alabama.

This volume contains a journal kept by Frank Peebles between September 1861 and April 1862 (25 pages) and a journal kept by his mother, Sophia, from September 25, 1865 through June 1868 (70 pages). Sophia used the last thirty-six pages of the volume as a copybook.

Frank's mother had given him his first journal when he was a child, encouraging him to keep a "record of passing events" and to use the journal to promote his "moral and intellectual advancement" (p.1). After keeping a journal for years, he grew ashamed of the carelessness of his writing, and threw them all on the fire, to start afresh with this volume. "I have no record of my past life, except that which a treacherous memory furnishes. What a shame to a boy who has had such kind teachings as I have," he wrote, regretfully.

Frank wrote every day, sometimes just a single line, but often a longer description of his daily activities. War increased the workload of both his mother and father, and as the only child, he helped them both. He put in long hours at his father's store, waiting on the nervous townspeople, who were busily stocking up on whatever supplies they could find: "the war & blockade will help us to get rid of some old goods we never could have sold, so we are advantaged that far -- that far only," he observed (p.4). He could also assume the role of housekeeper, when his mother had more pressing tasks: "Mother having a soldier's coat to make, I attended to the domestic affairs. Rode in the afternoon to the plantation, where they have killed ten thousand pounds of pork" (p.13).

The community was mobilizing for war. A volunteer company was formed, a camp set up, and a sewing society established. December 7 was muster day, and Frank drilled with the militia for the first time on December 21st. Frank visited Camp Kimball to see the soldiers and tents, and listen to the two Crowson brothers sing "two original songs, Richmond and Run Yank Run" (p.2-3).

Frank visited with several young ladies in the town, and related one "romantic occurrence" that illustrates the gallantry of the young southern gentleman (p. 9). A Miss Ellen Collier stopped in at the store one day and asked Frank to escort her and her sister to the train station, which he promptly did. However, the roads were bad and the train was missed. Miss Ellen wished to stay overnight at a nearby house, so they applied to the overseer for admittance -- the owner presumably being away. Miss Ellen "performed on the piano and conversed" until it was time to retire, at which point Frank "went to a little room adjoining hers and rested quietly 'till morning." After breakfast, Frank escorted the ladies to the morning train: "Miss E. & her sister were off, & I left to fret over & worry with & beat & drive balking horses. It was twelve o'clock when I reached home, glad enough to be there."

In January 1862, Frank left for school in Lebanon, Tennessee, but he was only there a brief while. His entries stop on February 2, and he returned home soon after that. The journal resumed for a single unfinished sentence on April 11, the day the Union army, led by Brigadier General Ormsby Mitchel, occupied nearby Huntsville: "We were a little startled soon after dinner by the intelligence that Federal troops had . . ." (p. 25).

When Sophia began to write in the volume on September 25, 1865, she expressed her disappointment that Frank had not become a "thorough scholar" (p.25). She worried that "Frank is surrounded by various temptations, and I sometimes fear he is yielding to their unhallowed influences" (p.40). Anxiety about her son continued to harass her, and she feared he was "forming habits prejudicial to health and morality" (p.78).

Although she exhibited a certain amount of motherly concern, Sophia was too busy to dwell on her grown son's potential fall. She attended practically every religious service that was held, and always recorded the text the sermon was based on in her journal. Through the bible classes and Sabbath school classes she taught, she reached out to the young people of Mooresville. She wished more townspeople would join the church, but she records only a handful of people coming forward at the Quarterly Meetings and Camp-meetings held in town. The community could not afford to keep their pastor, Mr. McDonald, and he left in October 1865. Mooresville Methodists made do with circuit riders and other area preachers after that, which meant there wasn't always a service on Sunday.

One of Sophia's greatest pleasures was reading books -- and she consumed vast histories, lengthy biographies, and the occasional novel whenever she could find the time. At one point she stated that she didn't mind her husband leaving her alone at home, as long as she could "claim the companionship of a good book" (p.51). Sophia concentrated on nonfiction, and spent several months reading Charles A. Goodrich's history of the United States, as well as a history of Mexico, and biographies of Charlotte Bronte and the consorts of the Kings of England. She tried reading Shakespeare's plays, but announced that she could not "appreciate their beauties" (p.36).

Sophia tried in vain to resist the appeal of novels, which seemed as frivolous as the fancy crochet work she chastised herself for loving to make (p.66). Since she could not resist, she rationalized her reading as a research project: "Have been reading one of Bulwer's novels, I always feel a little conscience smitten when I spend time in this way but Bulwer has been so often lauded by the lovers of romances I have felt inclined to read and discover for myself wherein lies the attraction of his work" (p.42). She did further investigating the next January: "I have been reading a novel by Charles Reade, time badly spent, but I sometimes like to understand the character of the popular literature of the day, and after perusing such a work, I am astonished at the taste of one who can enjoy such overwrought exhibitions of both good and evil" (p.69).

Although Sophia was a deeply religious woman, her religiosity did not overwhelm her personality. She often reflected rather pragmatically on her place in the world, as a woman, and as a person filling feminine roles. "The history of a housekeeper -- what so monotonous as her duties. The calls of parlor dining room and kitchen, are ever the same" she wrote, early on (p.28). She sometimes described her work in the various domestic "departments" as a kind of performance, for instance, "have been acting laundress with a few small articles..." (p.74). Sophia had the assistance (and company) of Mrs. Donnell, a woman friend who lived with the Peebles for long stretches of time. She also had the help of a cook, housemaid, and manservant, and possibly others. Unless her servants were sick, Sophia typically supervised their work, rather than doing it herself, but she often had to step into one role or another.

The end of the war, for instance, sparked an intense house cleaning -- probably throughout the south. Sophia explained that there was "a general upsetting of carpets and furniture of all descriptions, that the accumulation of four years' dust may be removed, Ladies have been afraid during the war to display their carpets out of doors lest an unexpected squad of soldiers might appropriate them for blankets" (p.28). After the war, the Peebles also had to dig a well in their backyard: "for twenty seven years our water has been brought from a spring and from a neighbor well, but the change in our social condition has materially affected our domestic arrangements and made it necessary for water to be obtained with less labor" (p.57). The Peebles were adjusting to the new social order, and Sophia was by necessity more directly involved in the work of the house, garden, and poultry yard.

Sophia's world lost its balance when she began teaching in her own house in February 1867, which she probably did to earn some money. The "dear immortals," as she dubbed her students, frustrated her with their indolence, and she never felt like they were learning very much. Even if the rewards had been greater, the sacrifice of her time was a tremendous blow. "Busy at school but during recess hour overlooking some house cleaning" gives an idea of how she tried to keep up with her old responsibilities as well as the new (p.81). With no time to write up more lesson plans, she resigned her position as bible class teacher in March. Her time for reading and journal writing was also severely diminished.

Sadly, Sophia did not keep up the journal. Early on, she had expressed dissatisfaction with the passivity with which her life was being lived: "How rapidly time is flying, months succeed each other so rapidly, I sometimes feel that all of life will be gone ere I begin to live" (p.30). By the middle of July 1867, the monotony of her life oppressed her so much that she saw no point in writing every day: "the record of one day will answer for a twelvemonth," she wrote (p.84). After a month-long gap in her entries, she reiterated, "I fear we shall of necessity become strangers to each other, school duties and family cares are all of which I have to write, and in these there is so much monotony that the record of one day will do for a month" (p.92). Shortly thereafter she stopped writing entirely, becoming a stranger not only to her journal but to us.

Sophia kept several lists in the back of this book. There is a record of what she had read, an impressive list of "Names applied to Our Savior in Scripture," brief biographical sketches of royal women, and weather data. She also used the final pages as a copybook for poems and historical facts.

The Frederic and William Speed papers contain letters written by Frederic Speed who served in the 5th and 13th Maine Infantry Regiments and as assistant adjutant general, and his brother, William Speed of the 24th Michigan Infantry Regiment, who was mortally wounded on the first day of the Battle of Gettysburg.

The Frederic and William Speed papers contain 212 chronologically-arranged letters and enclosures, spanning 1857-1874. The brothers wrote the letters home to their parents, John and Anne, and sisters, Anna, Charlotte ("Lottie"), and Cornelia ("Nell"), primarily during their Civil War service.

The collection contains approximately 30 letters written by William Speed, who served with the 24th Michigan Volunteer Infantry until his death at the Battle of Gettysburg on July 1, 1863. William's correspondence opens with a single prewar letter, written on the topic of his travels to Niagara Falls and Buffalo, New York (August 27, 1857). In his next several letters, Speed debated enlisting in the war, first determining not to volunteer until "a greater necessity" existed (December 11, 1861), and then regretting not signing up at the outbreak of the war (June 10, 1862). Speed began his service in August 1862, and wrote home regularly to report on movements, engagements, and camp life with the 24th Michigan. He provided details of his daily activities, including the hardtack and other foods he ate (November 29, 1862) and the two-man shelter tents in which the regiment slept (October 4, 1862). He also took a particular interest in recent battlefields, describing visits to South Mountain and Antietam in Maryland (October 12, 1862). Of the former, he wrote that "curiosity seekers" had nearly picked the site clean, but noted that it "must have been a terrible battle." He also described the "headboards" that marked Union graves and a mass burial site for Confederate soldiers nearby.

William also wrote about two of the major engagements in which he served. He gave accounts of the Battle of Fredericksburg in two letters, dated December 15, 1862, and December 29, 1862, in which he described being heavily shelled by the Confederates after General Solomon Meredith disobeyed orders an moved the troops in broad daylight. He also provided details on the topography of the battlefield, the bravery of his company, and the physical and mental fatigue experienced by the soldiers after the battle. On May 10, 1863, he described the Battle of Chancellorsville, in which his regiment crossed the Rappahannock River in pontoon boats, and commented, "Oh! These were fearful moments. The balls flew about like hail." He also wrote about a collaborative raid with the 8th Illinois Cavalry to stop smugglers near Falmouth, Virginia (May 27, 1863). Speed left no record of his Gettysburg service as he was mortally wounded on its first day, but several posthumous items pay tribute to him, including letters by the Detroit Bar (July 12, 1863) and the Union Lodge of Strict Observance (July 27, 1863).

Letters by Frederick Speed form the bulk of the collection, spanning June 19, 1861, to May 29, 1874. Young and very ambitious, Speed wrote frequently about his efforts to prove himself and to earn a regular army commission. These efforts included regularly filling in for the unit's adjutant (July 14, 1861); constructing a barricade, about which Speed noted, "Major General McClelland [sic] expressed himself as well pleased" (September 22, 1861); and taking an active part in picket duty, which he considered very dangerous (September 9, 1861). After joining the staff of the 13th Maine Infantry in the position of assistant adjutant general, Speed described steamboat travel to and arrival at Ship Island, Mississippi, which at first awed him with its shells and wildlife but later struck him as a "prison," after several months of service there (May 5, 1862). Speed also grew discontent with his supervisor, General Neal S. Dow, from whose staff he resigned in November 1862, calling him "the most intensely selfish man I ever saw" (November 3, 1862).

Speed saw action in several battles. During the First Battle of Bull Run, he took pride in his regiment's bravery, but lamented the "black track" of destruction and ruin they left behind and called the war "revolting" (August 3, 1861). He participated the in the Union forces' capture of New Orleans, which he described in a letter of August 1, 1862; he noted that he found the soldiers unlikely "to give up the city without the death struggle" (September 9, 1862). He wrote about the heavy Confederate casualties at the Battle of Plains Road (May 22, 1863), and the numerous aspects of the Siege of Port Hudson, including several bombardments, heavy attrition caused by disease, and the meager food sources of the Confederates (June 16, 1863). Also mentioned are skirmishes at Vermillion Baylor (October 13, 1863) and Carrion Crow Bayou (November 7, 1863).

Frederic Speed took an interest in African Americans, and frequently commented on issues related to them. He discussed abolitionism in letters to his sisters, and criticized southerners for being "little better than babes, they are so helpless" without their slaves (January 28, 1864). On July 19, 1863, Speed applied for permission to raise a "negro artillery regiment" and opined that 50,000 African American troops could be raised easily. He also reported that "negro regiments give their officers much less trouble than white ones" (August 28, 1863). He described a "day of jubilee" celebrated by newly freed African Americans in Mobile, Alabama, on July 4, 1865, writing, "My heart beat strong for their welfare and I too could not be but glad, with them."

A few items in the collection relate to Speed's role in the transportation of Union ex-prisoners of war back to their homes. On April 5, 1865, he commented on receiving and making arrangements for 11,000 prisoners from Andersonville and Cahaba prisons, noting, "Those from Cahaba are well and hearty--those from Andersonville are more dead than alive." His role in the Sultana disaster is not referenced in the papers until over a month after it occurred, when he requested information and defended his actions to a commission that found him partially responsible (May 28, 1865). He also wrote about his desire for a court of inquiry to investigate the matter (May 28, 1865), his desire to resign after the matter had resolved itself (June 9, 1865), and his "depression" over his role in it (June 27, 1865). In a few scattered postwar letters, Frederic Speed shares family news and describes his interest in starting an ice business in the South.

This collection contains 15 letters that Fred Hewitt wrote to his family and friends while serving in the 5th New York Heavy Artillery Regiment during the Civil War, as well as 1 letter written by his brother Frank, who was in the same regiment. Fred Hewitt discussed several aspects of his service in army camps in Maryland and Virginia.

This collection contains 15 letters that Frederick K. Hewitt ("Fred") wrote to his family and friends while serving in the 5th New York Heavy Artillery Regiment during the Civil War, as well as 1 undated letter written by his brother Frank, who was in the same regiment. The envelopes are addressed to Marion Hewitt and "Mayne" Hewitt of Horseheads, New York, and to Mrs. Albert Fields of Williamsport, Pennsylvania.

Fred Hewitt wrote letters home from March 29, 1863-July 4, 1865. Though he was primarily stationed at Camp Hill in Harper's Ferry, Virginia, he also wrote from several Maryland locations, including Fort McHenry. His letter of August 7, 1864, is dated from a hospital in Frederick, Maryland. Hewitt wrote about other soldiers and officers in his regiment, desertions and soldiers declining to reenlist, a local smallpox epidemic, loneliness in camp, and other aspects of military life. He sometimes provided news of and expressed concern for his younger brother, Frank. Some of his letters mention picket duty and the possibility of being called into battle. One letter recounts the story of his lieutenant, Disosway, who was taken prisoner (November 17, 1864). Hewitt's final letter, dated July 4, 1865, concerns life in New York City. Frank Hewitt's undated letter to his sister also concerns aspects of military life.

The Frederick Batchelder collection contains incoming and outgoing letters and documents related to the Connecticut minister, as well as essays he composed while attending Brown University in the late 1830s.

Of the 34 items in the Frederick Batchelder collection, 4 are incoming and outgoing letters related to Batchelder, 3 are documents pertaining to his service as probate judge in Stafford, Connecticut, and 27 are essays he composed at Brown University in the late 1830s.

The Correspondence series contains 2 letters that Batchelder wrote in 1834, and 2 that he received in 1868 and 1878. He debated philosophical issues, such as the role of civilization in producing human happiness. One of the incoming letters, written by an elderly friend, concerns the author's religious activities and convictions.

The Documents series consists of 3 items related to Batchelder's service as a judge in Stafford, Connecticut. They pertain to two inheritance cases and a dispute over local land.

The Essays series is made up of 27 essays about philosophical, literary, and political questions, composed during Batchelder's studies at Brown University. He explored aspects of American literature, the merits of learning history, "Advantages & Disadvantages of speaking the same language with Britain," the science of magnetism, effects of the division of labor, ethical dilemmas, and the treatment of Native Americans.

This collection is made up of correspondence, financial records, meeting minutes, and documents related to the operations of the French Creek and Cherry Run Oil Company. The company purchased land and dug oil wells in Venango County, Pennsylvania, in 1865.

This collection is made up of correspondence, financial records, meeting minutes, and documents related to the operations of the French Creek and Cherry Run Oil Company. The company purchased land and dug oil wells in Venango County, Pennsylvania, in 1865.

The earliest documents concern the company's initial expenses, a scouting mission, and founding documents. These items include receipts for land purchases near Frenchcreek, Pennsylvania, and a report regarding the costs of an examination of the company's property. On or around April 7, 1865, its founders adopted articles of association and afterward they addressed a summary of their proposed operation to Isaac Slenker, the auditor general of Pennsylvania. During the summer of 1865, John J. Glisson wrote 9 letters to the company's leaders from Franklin, Pennsylvania, and Big Creek, Pennsylvania, in which he reported on the company's local interests, equipment, wells, and finances. Brief meeting minutes are interspersed throughout the collection. Three printed and partially documents are a letter patent for the French Creek and Cherry Run Oil Company and 2 indentures for land in Frenchcreek, Pennsylvania. Also included is a map of the company's property along French Creek.

The Clements Library's collection of individual friendship and autograph albums (the ones that are not part of larger bodies of family papers) dates primarily from the second half of the 19th century. The creators of these albums sought out friends, family, schoolmates, public persons, and others to write signatures, sentiments, poetry, extracts from books and serials, personal sentiments, and more. Contributions often emphasize ties of friendship, exhortations to seek love, happiness, or Christian religious salvation. Most of the volumes in this collection were compiled in the Northeast United States and areas in the Midwest, with urban and rural areas represented. The greater number of the albums were kept by young women and the bulk of the signers were also female. Contributors occasionally illustrated pages with calligraphic designs, trompe l'oeil visiting cards, animals, flowers, and themes that had particular significance to their relationship with the keeper of the album. The volumes in this collection are largely decorative blank books adorned with tooled covers, sometimes containing interspersed engravings of religious, literary, historical, and landscape themes. Some include pasted-in photographs, die-cuts, or stickers.

The Clements Library's collection of individual friendship and autograph albums (the ones that are not part of larger bodies of family papers) dates primarily from the second half of the 19th century. The creators of these albums sought out friends, family, schoolmates, public persons, and others to write signatures, sentiments, poetry, extracts from books and serials, personal sentiments, and more. Contributions often emphasize ties of friendship, exhortations to seek love, happiness, or Christian religious salvation. Most of the volumes in this collection were compiled in the Northeast United States and areas in the Midwest, with urban and rural areas represented. The greater number of the albums were kept by young women and the bulk of the signers were also female. At least one volume was kept by an African American man, Lewis G. Mosebay. Contributors occasionally illustrated pages with calligraphic designs, trompe l'oeil visiting cards, animals, flowers, and themes that had particular significance to their relationship with the keeper of the album. The volumes in this collection are largely decorative blank books adorned with tooled covers, sometimes containing interspersed engravings of religious, literary, historical, and landscape themes. Some include pasted-in photographs, die-cuts, or stickers.

This collection contains correspondence and other materials related to Richard and William Fulcher, natives of Norfolk County, England, who moved to St. Joseph County, Michigan, in 1835. The brothers received around 100 letters from their friends and family in England, who provided them with family and local news, discussed the effects of transatlantic separation, and commented on political events, such as the American Civil War. Photographs, an extract from a will, and bank checks are also included.

This collection contains correspondence and other material related to Richard and William Fulcher, natives of Norfolk County, England, who moved to St. Joseph County, Michigan, in 1835. The brothers received around 100 letters from their friends and family in England, who provided them with family and local news, discussed the effects of transatlantic separation, and commented on political events, such as the American Civil War. The collection also includes an extract from Thomas Fulcher's will, Richard Fulcher's bank checks (9 items), 9 photographs of the Fulcher family and other subjects, and a newspaper clipping.

The Correspondence series (100 items) is primarily comprised of William and Richard Fulcher's incoming correspondence, which they received after emigrating from England to Michigan in 1835. Friends and family members wrote about their lives in Old Buckenham and Hingham, England, and commented on topics such as their social lives, family health, crops, and local news. Many letters, particularly the earlier items, mention the effects of separation. Thomas Fulcher, curate and vicar for the Old Buckenham Parish Church, and Sophy Moxon, the Fulcher brothers' niece, wrote around 33 letters to William and Richard. Richard's wife Esther also corresponded with her English and American relatives. Later items are occasionally addressed to Ada Fulcher, Richard and Esther's daughter. During the Civil War, Thomas Fulcher and other correspondents commented on political and military developments in the United States. Postwar letters contain some description of travel around England and Wales. The final letters in the collection include several that mention family deaths; a letter dated July 10, 1888, for example, contains a newspaper obituary for Thomas Fulcher and a lock of his hair.

The Extract from Thomas Fulcher's Will (3 pages), dated 1888, concerns his farm and payments to several of his relatives, including Esther Fulcher, Richard's widow.

The Checks series is comprised of 9 printed bank checks drawn on the First National Bank of Three Rivers. Each is signed by Richard Fulcher.

The 9 Photographs are modern reproductions and enlargements of 19th and early 20th century images that depict numerous members of the Fulcher family, including Oriel Fulcher's daughters, Sophia (or Sophy) Moxon, Esther Bridgman Fulcher, Thomas Fulcher, Eliza Fulcher, Bessie Fulcher, and Richard Fulcher. One item depicts the Old Buckenham Parish Church.

A Newspaper Clipping from the Three Rivers Commercial shows 2 photographs of Richard Fulcher's home in Three Rivers, Michigan.