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Annie E. L. Hobbs, of Laconia, New Hampshire, wrote this journal during her trip to the 1876 Centennial Exhibition in Philadelphia. In detailed passages, she described the various exhibit halls visited and her reactions to the sights of Philadelphia and the spectacle of the exhibition.

Aware that she would be taking part in an historic event, Annie Hobbs decided to keep a record of her trip to the Centennial Exhibition, and she filled 31 pages with her account, which she titled, "Wayside notes to the Centennial." Although her description of the contents of Hall after Hall is slightly repetitive, Annie is often specific -- and humorous -- about what she is seeing. In the Women's Pavilion, for instance, she saw Martha Washington's slippers, feather flowers, and "a novelty -- in the form of a woman's face made of Butter -- we have often heard of Dough faces but never before of a Butter face" (p. 6). In addition to providing detailed information about the exhibits, this account also shows a woman from the country's reactions to the big city and the exciting spectacle of the exhibition.

From the moment she arrived, Annie was happy she had come: "As I gazed at the various Buildings on the outside -- before seeing their interior, I felt that this view alone would pay for the trip, so colossal in their proportions -- so beautiful in their design and finish that one can only behold and admire" (pp. 4-5). Attending the exhibition also reinforced her patriotic sentiments. Even after appreciating the foreign exhibits, she would reiterate how magnificent "our own" had been and how proud she was of her country's achievements. Touring Independence Hall also fired up her enthusiasm: "While visiting these interesting, time worn relics, a feeling of awe and reverence came over us -- They seemed sacred inasmuch as they had been owned and handled by those great and good men" (p. 19). Annie was also impressed that even in the throngs of people, a "uniform politeness and courtesy had seemed to be possessed both by visitors and officers and servants in the various departments" (p. 28).

Annie did have some predictable complaints, shared by tourists of all eras. Sore feet, fatigue, and overpriced souvenirs all annoyed her, but did not interfere unduly with her enjoyment of the exhibition. Having to rely on restaurants for food was another obstacle, and Annie retained her sense of humor while recording all of the terrible food they ate, including watery oyster stew and bad pickles. She was also saddened by the news that their church back home had burned during their absence. By the time her party boarded the train for home, she was suffering from a severe cold, and was glad to finally arrive there two days later.

Elizabeth Camp's journals detail her time spent with the Stockbridge Indians as a schoolteacher and unofficial Congregationalist missionary.

The first volume of Elizabeth's journal is eighty pages, and roughly half of it is Elizabeth's record of her time spent with the Stockbridge Indians as a schoolteacher and unofficial missionary. The second journal is only thirty-three pages, and since there are a number of large gaps between entries, it provides a much sketchier picture of Elizabeth's life as she returned to teaching, then attended school, got married, and had a daughter.

The High Congregational style of these journals is both edifying and entertaining. This young woman struggled constantly to know her spiritual condition, and to express her relationship with God. And unlike many a religion-steeped journal, her entries zing with lively language. Openers like "I am a poor, vile, sinful and unworthy worm of dust" and "A guilty hell deserving worm of the dust has graciously been permitted to witness another holy sabbath" sizzle, and Elizabeth rarely got through an entry without some elaborate articulation of self-loathing (1:23, 1:70).

What keeps the journal interesting, however, is the curious tension between this self-abasement -- considered the appropriate attitude with which to approach God -- and Elizabeth's pride and satisfaction in her "useful" work as a teacher and a missionary. To experience God's love, one had to feel absolutely wretched about oneself, and continually profess one's continual state of sinfulness. Therefore it was difficult, if not impossible, for her to simultaneously feel close to God and proud of her work as God's humble servant: "in short, my attainments in religion are very low. I am truly the vilest of the vile, yet I do not feel it as I ought; Oh when shall I live devoted to God? If I am a christian, why do I not love God more, and serve Him better? I know I have a very selfish, wicked heart, & Oh Lord! make me feel it, & give me deep repentance. May my heart be broken for my sins, & may I cheerfully submit to God in all his dealings with me" (1:16).

Elizabeth was frustrated that although she knew she was wicked, she did not always feel wicked -- and when one was devoting one's time so usefully helping the "dear red people," it must have seemed somewhat contradictory to try to feel like one had a "selfish wicked heart." And yet she did try, repeatedly. "Oh I am a sinful worm, & may I feel it more and more & humble myself at the feet of Him, who is the sinner's friend" (1:41).

Initially Elizabeth mentioned that her school has seven native children and six whites, but she did not mention the white children again -- in fact, the next entry states "had but seven native children," suggesting that the whites ceased attending (1:26-27). She brought her little niece to Stockbridge with her to keep her company, and she felt "something lonesome, as I am deprived of the society of white people" (1:26). Loneliness soon passed, as she involved herself in the community. Within a few weeks, she wrote: "I do love these dear red people. I have peculiar sensations while uniting with them in their devotions such as I do not experience meeting with any other people" (1:43). She was even able to relieve her own religious distress by talking with a "dear christian Indian woman" (1:46).

In addition to teaching school, Elizabeth attended native female society meetings, "the object of which is to promote industry and good morals among the females" (1:32). She also visited households, speaking to the women individually about their spiritual state of mind and instructing them in religious matters. When one woman said she had always loved the Saviour, Elizabeth had to explain to her that she was wrong. "I told her that we were born into the world enemies to God, that we did not naturly love Him, nor anything that is good &c." (1:32). She also went to weekly "conferences," and sermons on the Sabbath. Although Elizabeth presumably communicated with the Stockbridge in English, a "Mr. S." delivered a sermon in the natives' tongue (1:29). Most of the meetings Elizabeth attended were conducted in the Indian's language, and she had to rely on tone and demeanor to gauge whether or not the people were suitably "solemn," which they typically were.

Leaving the Stockbridge in September was difficult for Elizabeth. She shook hands with her school children, and after a final prayer meeting together, "two indian women accompanied me home, spent the night with me & breakfasted with me this morning" (1:51). Elizabeth went on to visit friends and return to her native home, and closed her journal with a lengthy transcription of Mrs. Martha Laurens Ramsay's "self dedication and solemn covenant with God," copied from the memoir of that "excellent woman" (1:71-80).

The most interesting part of the second volume of the journal is Elizabeth's account of hearing a dead woman's journal read aloud by her intended spouse (2:10-11). Elizabeth praised the young woman, who had possessed "superior qualifications for extensive usefulness, both native and acquired," and the young man, who "performed his task with an appearance of deep solemnity -- sensibly feeling his loss."

Family papers includes mostly diaries, as well as some correspondence and biographical information of two sisters, Mrs. Emily (Dewey) Morrill and Mrs. Saluta (Dewey) Barber.

The collection consists mainly of diaries, twenty of which were penned by Mrs. Emily M. Morrill and seven by her sister, Mrs. Saluta Barber. Both women wrote diaries in 1888-1889 and 1891-1893. Otherwise, their diaries exist for different years. Sixteen of the diaries document an entire year. The remaining diaries document a year plus part of the next year, or slightly less than a complete year. Saluta’s diaries exist for 1884-1885, 1887 through January 2, 1888, 1889, and 1891-1893. Emily’s diaries exist for 1874-May 23, 1875, 1877-1879, 1881-1882, 1885-1886, and 1888-August 7, 1900.

The diaries are excellent primary sources for researching nineteenth century Michigan women, their social, religious, familial, and emotional lives, household and farm labor, social and religious activities, concerns, illnesses, and funeral customs. Saluta and Emily wrote daily for years about many topics in detail. Both women had neat penmanship and fairly good vocabularies although they were a bit phonetic sometimes with their spelling of words. They both used initials instead of names in their diaries when writing about close relatives and friends. The diaries are gems of primary resources for the period in which they were written.

Emily and Saluta wrote about the same types of events, but with different amounts of detail emphasizing different activities, events, people, or concerns. They both noted the weather, birthdays of family members, local community news, including births, marriages, illness, and deaths, helping dress the dead, attending funerals and social events, and their and their husband’s illnesses and labors. They kept track of their correspondence, noting who they wrote and when, as well as when and from whom they received letters or postals (postcards). Sometimes there are miscellaneous accounts, receipts, or lists written in or enclosed in their diaries. A lens from Saluta’s spectacles is also enclosed.

Emily noted a lot of vital statistics, including birthdays of relatives and their ages, death dates, marriage dates, and anniversaries of marriages and deaths. In comparison, Saluta always noted Rena’s birthday, but rarely her own and never her wedding anniversary. She noted DH’s birthday only when he turned 70 and they had a party to celebrate the occasion, but rarely recorded other family member’s vital statistics. However, she wrote in detail about funerals and preparing the dead for burial.

The sisters both wrote about visiting and visitors. Saluta wrote in more detail about this part of her life than Emily did. Saluta noted if the person she visited was ill, getting worse or better, what illness or symptoms they had, and the food she brought them.

When Emily and James visited Vermont in 1874, Emily noted the names of relatives and the towns they visited, and housework she helped with, such as washing and ironing lots of laundry, cutting out dresses, and berry picking and preserving. She also noted that James shot many woodchucks and helped Adams farm, as well as their illness. Emily also recorded their colds and that James suffered from several migraines. What exactly they saw when they visited various towns is not noted and relatives’ surnames are rarely noted. Being photographed was still an important event and she noted when one relative, Charles [Barber?] from Vermont, had his photograph taken during their visit.

Saluta and Emily usually noted the daily weather, the daily high and low temperatures, and drastic changes in the weather, particularly when it was inclement. Saluta noted when she and other family members or friends went sleighing or swimming (although she and DH did not go in the water), whereas Emily noted few outdoor leisure activities outside of attending church or her visits with relatives.

Emily always noted where James was and what he was doing, either hunting, farming, or gone on business and with whom, when they left, when they returned, and if they rode, walked, or took a train. Saluta does this to a far lesser degree of detail when recording the agricultural labors of her husband. Without children, Emily apparently focused more of her attention on her husband than Saluta did.

Saluta, who may have worked harder and been more of a “neat freak” than Emily, often wrote about housework. Her long list of detailed backbreaking labor usually ends with a note that she had “sore shoulders” or was extremely tired. Usually within a day or hours she had a migraine. Saluta also wrote more about going to religious events, hearing different preachers, evangelists, and sermons at various churches, quilting, attending socials, prayer meetings, and attending the Presbyterian Women’s Foreign Missionary Society meetings than Emily. Emily more often simply noted that she and other people attended church or Sabbath School. Both women often noted the chapter and verse or the general topic of the sermon, and if there was good attendance.

Comparing a few days in diaries that exist for both sisters offers an example of their styles and what they chose to record. For example, on April 16, 1885 Saluta wrote, “16th April, Thursday. It was cloudy the most of the day, and quite a chilly wind from the east. I was very busy this forenoon straightening up the house and doing some baking. This afternoon went up to the store and from thire[sic] to Mrs. Coon’s we called Mrs. Ball’s and saw her new carpet. I eat [sic] supper to Mrs. Coon’s then we went to prayer meeting.”On the same day Emily wrote, “ 35 degrees 45 degrees Cloudy. Busy cuting[sic] [quilt] blocks in the pm. baking in the am. Herby called they came down with their fat cattle. Jenny Traves a little better. Attended prayer meeting in the evening a good number present. Red[sic] a letter from Ella S. Johnson (a cousin?) and a postal [postcard] from Aunt Lonesa Flint saying she thought she would be here next week.”

Another example records Rena’s twenty-fourth birthday on Sunday, January 18, 1891. On this day Saluta wrote, “It keeps just as dark and cloudy as ever, no change in three days. We both went to church and S.S. [Sabbath School] and DH has gone again to night[sic]. Bro. Riehl’s subject today was card playing, dancing and theater going, and a very sensible sermon it was. To day [sic] is my Rena’s birthday,24 years old, it don’t[sic]seem possible. My prayer to night[sic] for her is that she may have her health and that she may be true to the vows she made to God and the church.” Emily wrote on the same day, “Cloudy. All went to church except Merritt and the twins and P[a]. Merritt has a hard cold, he helped me do up the work, I gave quite a general sweeping, only got through when they came from church. Florence and I staid [sic] at home in the evening, she has a hard cold. They heard Bro. Wightman’s baby died at 2 this morning. I enjoy making myself useful for Florence has so much to do. Rena 24 today. George gave a present.” [probably one from Emily to Rena]

It is obvious here that Emily was living with George and his family by January 1891. Merritt was 13-years-old and the twins both four in 1891.

Also included in the collection is biographical information from censuses, three family letters, one from James Morrill, Tunbridge (Orange County, Vermont) to Emily M. Dewey, Concord, Michigan, February 1, 1846 prodding her to consider marriage; one from Emily to her fiancé James in Cohocton (Steuben County, New York), June 6, 1849; and one to Asa O. Dewey, Concord from a friend in Tallmage, November 2, 1851, with a mailing address of Steele’s Landing, Ottawa County, Michigan. Asa must be a relative, but the connection is unknown.

The Cape journal documents a round the world trip undertaken by Emily P. Cape, a wealthy New Yorker traveling aboard the S.S. Belgenland in the golden days of passenger ship travel.

The Cape Journal documents a round the world trip undertaken by Emily P. Cape, a wealthy New Yorker traveling aboard the S.S. Belgenland in the golden days of passenger ship travel. Written in a "log" provided by the cruise ship company, Cape wrote most extensively during the periods in which she was able to take on-shore excursions, leaving interesting records of tours in Japan (Yokohama, Tokyo, Kobe, Kyoto, Nara), Thailand, India (particularly Benares and the Bombay area), and Cairo. Her entries while the ship was cruising between ports are briefer and less informative, but provide some idea of ship-board routine.

The pages of the diary were provided by the tour company, with each day pre-printed with an itinerary and description of the ports visited. The space provided for diary entries is correspondingly small, and blank pages appear not to have been provided (or if they were, were not used by Cape), therefore it may be that the printed form of the diary hampered Cape's ability to write at greater length. More certainly, the precision of the printed descriptions and the exact timing implied suggests how carefully regulated the entire cruise was, and how restricted the tourist's view of the foreign countries would be. The journal also contains a complete printed list of passengers.

Cape laid in a few ephemeral items, including a program for an equator-crossing party, a postcard of the ship, and some samples of Japanese writing.

Maria M. Churchill's daily entries in her journal provide insights into the emotional and intellectual life of a middle-class woman in the mid-1800s.

Maria Churchill wrote faithfully, nearly daily, in her diary throughout the three years represented, 1845 to 1848. Literate, intelligent, and capable, Maria retained an avid interest in the intellectual and social world beyond her small Vermont town. She was an avid reader of a wide array of books, periodicals, and newspapers, and was active in her community, attending lectures, meetings, and gala events, and discussing current events. Churchill's diary provides an interesting insight into a woman's view of the bonds of affection between husband and wife and parent and child. She considered herself lucky to have a husband who showed such strong interest in his wife and child, and the pleasure she took in assisting her husband in running their store is evident throughout. As important in Churchill's emotional life as her husband and child, however, were her connections with other women, friends as well as family members, and these bonds seem to have increased during her marriage, rather than decreased, maintained through constant visits and letters.

The diary covers a period of high drama in Churchill's life, beginning less than a year after her marriage, and including the birth of her daughter, Elizabeth, the protracted illness and death of her husband, and her entry into self-sustaining widowhood. She provides only the outlines of her daily activities -- few entries in themselves are of sufficient length to reveal much about her thoughts and motives -- however her habit of writing daily provides a density of coverage that makes the diary valuable for understanding the basic lineaments of her emotional and intellectual life, as well as her daily routine. Before the birth of her daughter, Churchill seems to have been careful to record her reading, her visits with friends and neighbors, her reactions to major political events (elections, the declaration of the War with Mexico, slavery), and the presence of lectures and classes in town. Beyond this, her adjustments to marriage, birth, illness, and death and her growing relationships with husband, child, and the community of women creates a complex view of the life of a middle class woman living in small town Vermont early in the Victorian era.

For the most part, diary entries become much briefer and more similar in content after about December, 1846 -- three months after her husband's death. Maria was occupied with running her business and caring for Elizabeth, and may have had somewhat less time for socializing outside of the singing school and church.

The diary is only selectively indexed, with no notice of the numerous entries that concern daily domestic tasks or social activities (visits, etc.).

Marie Louise's journal documents the few days her family spent in southern California and the automobile trip home along the Santa Fe Trail, through St. Louis, and on to Richmond, Kentucky in 1915. The trip was publicized by the Ford Motor Company.

Marie Louise's journal documents the few days her family spent in southern California and the automobile trip home along the Santa Fe Trail, through St. Louis, and on to Richmond, Kentucky. There are two later entries detailing two dances she hosted. Most of the daily entries are written in a staccato style that rarely gets beyond a laundry list of the day's activities. Still, a certain sense of an irrepressible teenage girl, who described eating while driving as "flying lunch," and had a penchant for olives, and a burning need for ice cream sundaes, peeks through. At the back of the volume she pasted in ephemeral items from the trip, including an advertisement for "The Clansman," which she saw at the Empress Theatre in San Diego, permission to visit a gold mine, and a sunflower. There are also several small newspaper clippings, mostly concerning the family's trip.

The Kelloggs stopped to see the sights along their route, including the gold mine, cañons, and the original twenty mule team wagon that ran into Death Valley. Marie Louise rarely did more than record action. A typical account reads, "Went to the Petrified Forest. Picked up some pieces of the wood," but she did occasionally notice and note the scenery: "At one of the turns sat an Indian woman. It was one of the most picturesque scenes I ever saw. the winding road, an adobe village and the sunshine down to the left and the black clouds, sharp curves and mountains up to the right" (pp.26, 32).

The tourists saw Mojave, Hopi, Navajo, and Pueblo Indians enroute, and bought beads from the Indians in the Mojave desert, and rugs and pottery from the Navajo. Marie Louise snapped photos all along the way. The Kelloggs preferred to stay at "Harvey Houses," as the many establishments along the way owned and run by Fred Harvey were called. The car behaved fairly well, meaning there were only a couple flat tires on the way home, and a few instances of engine trouble. Twice Marie Louise and her mama had to get out and push the car out of mud holes.

The Kelloggs stayed in Santa Fe for a few days, where they were shown the sights by a "perfectly lovely" librarian named Mrs. Wilson (p.34). The family also spent several days in St. Louis, detained on account of the severe rains. Marie Louise and her mama occupied themselves with vaudeville shows (one featured a "Japanese primadonna"), movies, malted milks, and clothes shopping (p.58). At one shop, the retailer was "looking up Daddy's credit in some listing book and so we looked up all the Richmond people and others. I looked up several people in Versailles of course and found that flowers must sell pretty well as they give the seller good credit" (p.54).

After they crossed the Missouri, Marie Louise wrote that they were "Back in hot biscuit country anyway," and she began to anticipate getting home (p.50). She hoped their arrival would get all sorts of attention. "Really when I get home if every time we stop anywhere every body around doesn't run out to look at us and the car, I shall feel very bad about it" (p.52). She got her wish when they pulled into Louisville: "Mr. Banks, head of the Ford Motor Company in Kentucky, had a regular reception, reporters, a photographer and all the clerks. Trying to get our picture in the Sunday paper! Heavens, what a excitement for Richmond if they do succeed!" (p.63). They did succeed, and the clipping is pasted in the journal.

Once home in Richmond, Marie Louise quickly caught up with her best friend Martha, and planned a dance for "about a dozen couples of her young friends," as the newspaper so gratifyingly reported. She weighed herself at the store while getting some cakes for the party, and noted "151. -- caused by sundaes, malted milk and Harvey Houses I suppose" (p.68). Marie Louise expressed her hopes for a boyfriend, and after describing three boys, she longingly admitted to herself, "I could easily lose my heart to any of those three if I only had half a chance" (p.71). In the next, and last entry, Marie Louise, now back at Margaret College, wrote about another dance, her "first real Versailles german" (p.74). She had the satisfaction of reporting that her escort, Grover, was a "wonderful dancer," and declaring, "my old flame absolutely disgusted me. Didn't even like him."

Marie "Alida" Taber, wife of whaling Captain George Taber, kept daily records of wind direction, speed, weather conditions, geographic location, and crew activities during two whaling voyages: the Brig Magdalene's 174-day voyage from Honolulu to Connecticut, January-July 1853, and the Barque William Wilson's 1,192-day voyage from Rhode Island to the island of Rodrigues in the Indian Ocean, May 1860-January 1861. The volume also contains personal journal entries kept by Marie Taber during her time in Acushnet, Massachusetts, while her husband served aboard the Barque William Wilson from October 1857 to 1859.

This logbook and journal contains 150 pages, 51 of which are blank and 99 of which contain writing by Marie "Alida" Taber, wife of whaling Captain George Taber. The opening flyleaf features a carte-de-visite photograph of Marie with the inscription "Alida Taber, Long Plain, Massachusetts, U.S.A." During conservation the carte-de-visite was temporarily removed, and the inscription "Elida Taber" was visible on the verso of the card. While most of the printed photographer's advertisement on the card was obscured, its location in New Bedford, Massachusetts, was present. The volume consists of three sections: two whaling expedition logs and a personal journal.

The first section is a daily record of the Brig Magdalene's return voyage from Honolulu to Connecticut carrying whale oil and bone from January 12 to July 4, 1853. During this voyage, the Magdalene went south from Honolulu, through the Pacific Cook Islands, around the southern tip and east coast of South America before making final port in New London, Connecticut, on Independence Day, 1853. Mentioned ports of resupply include Pernambuco, Brazil. All entries begin with "remarks on board" followed by the date, weather conditions, the ships geographic location, steering adjustments, and any crew or ship activities of note. She described riggings, repairs, spotting of other ships or land, and acquisition or removal of cargo and supplies. Most of her entries are structured into 'first' (12pm to 8pm), 'middle' (8pm to 4am) and 'latter' (4am to 12pm) parts of the day. Some entries include remarks on porpoises caught and harvested for oil, supplies thrown overboard, and processing of whalebone.

Her logbook entries largely conform to the following format:

Upper left margin: Number of days out

"Remarks on board" [Day of Week, Month, Date, Year]

[Part of the day]: wind strength and direction, weather conditions, sail and/or steering adjustments and sightings/activities of note

Bottom right corner: Latitude and Longitude coordinates

While most of the navigational and weather condition data recorded stayed largely consistent, she specifically mentioned ocean currents on April 13 and 14, 1853 (95 and 96 days out).

Since this voyage was a return trip from a whaling expedition, Taber did not mention whale pursuits or captures; the ship was already full of oil and bone. Although, during the latter entries the crew brought whalebone and oil to the deck to clean, bundle, and prepare the products for market. On May 17, 1853 (117 days out), for example, she wrote that they "Took on deck 22 bundles of bone, some in a damaged state."

The crew captured and processed porpoises on this leg of the voyage to provide lamp oil. Mentions of these porpoise captures can be found in the following entries.

• "Caught 4 porpoises" April 9, 1853 (89 days out)
• Boiling porpoise blubber. April 16 and 17, 1853 (95 and 96 days out)

As the Magdalene sailed closer to the eastern coast of South America and the United States, ship sightings became more frequent. These entries include:

• Bark sighting. January 25, 1853 (14 days out)
• "At 10am saw a merchant Bark steering to S.West" April 19, 1853 (99 days out)
• Unidentified ship, April 21-22 , 1853 (101-102 days out)
• "Saw a manawar steam brig" Saturday, April 30, 1853 (110 days out)

Other entries of interest include:

• Taking supplies on board, wood, pumpkins, coconuts, bananas, turkeys, ducks, fowls, and pigs, February 10 -12, 1853 (31-33 days out)
• "Note: during the night one half Barrel of Beef was thrown overboard by some of the crew," March 14, 1853 (63 days out)
• Leaking oil, March 25, 1853 (74 days out)
• "Found six bags of bread wet and rotten," April 1, 1853 (81 days out)
• "Rats almost got possession of the Brig," April 20, 1853 (100 days out)
• "Saw a comet, westward," May 7, 1853 (111 days out)
• Waiting for Portuguese holy days to pass, as business is prohibited during this period. Saturday, May 14-18, 1853 (124-128 days out)
• "Mr. Bolton ashore without permission from master," May 16, 1853 (126 days out)
• "Mr. Bolton still onshore," May 17, 1853 (127 days out)

The second section of the logbook contains Marie Taber's journal entries from January 1 to August 15, 1859. While Captain Taber was away on the Barque William Wilson, which left Warren, Rhode Island, in October 1857, Marie described her daily activities in Acushnet, Massachusetts, as well as detailed listings of her social activities. The largest portions of these entries list the names of whom she spoke with in person and through letters that day. The most common activities mentioned in these entries include sewing, cooking, baking, shopping, writing letters, and reading. Frequently she spent her days mending, cutting, quilting, and sewing garments for herself, family, and friends. Holding true to her logkeeping skills, she commented daily on the weather and wind, often noting specific wind direction and general conditions throughout the day. Marie noted births, deaths, weddings, and activities such as the circus, church events, and holidays. Marie often wrote of feeling weak or ill and complained of headaches, backaches, and stomach pains. In the latter portions of the journal, Marie's entries took on a more personal tone as she described her loneliness and sadness about town gossip about her--even among her husband's family. In these entries, she expressed her reliance on Christian faith to help her cope with illness and the emotional toll of being far away from home and from her own friends and family. The journal section provides insight into the events and residents of the community of Acushnet, Massachusetts, and the broader community of Bristol County.

The third section of the volume contains a daily record of the whaling voyage of Barque William Wilson, traveling off Rodrigues Island, from May 27, 1860, to January 5, 1861. Marie began the log about 2 years and 6 months into the whaling voyage (the complete voyage spanned October 1857 to January 1861). The log is of a similar format as that of the Brig Magdalene, but fewer entries contain specific latitude and longitude coordinates and it lacks a running count of the days passed since the voyage began. As in Mrs. Taber's earlier log, entries include weather conditions, wind direction, sail and steering adjustments, ships spotted, and specific activities. Days on which whale captures were attempted and successful are marked with black ink whale body stamps, the number of stamps equaling the number of whales killed. Instances where whales evaded capture are indicated with black ink tail stamps. Processing of the whales into product is described with phrases "employed boiling", "employed cutting", and "commenced cutting." These entries frequently made note of the vessel's specific distance from land or other ships and listed many of the ships spotted and communicated with by name.

Vessels mentioned include:

• Bark America (August 16, 1860)
• Bark John A. Robb (September 17, 1860)
• Barque Millwood (July 7, 1860 [incorrectly written in log as June]; August 2, 1860; August 22, 1860)
• Bark Ocean Pierson (August 23, 1860)
• Bark Pamelia (September 4, 1860; September 22, 1860)
• Bark Tyne (August 3, 1860)
• Bark San Francisco (August 17, 1860; August 22, 1860; August 30, 1860; September 24, 1860)
• Ship Alimire (August 23, 1860)
• Ship Elmiro (August 30, 1860)
• Ship Mercury (September 1, 1860; September 19, 1860)

At the beginning of this log, Marie wrote with a slightly more personal tone, including information about her general feelings of wellbeing, or feeling unwell (entries dated May 27 and 28, 1860). Generally, the entries in the first portion of this log (July-early October, 1860) emphasize the frantic chase and hunting of whales. Many entries refer to sightings of whales by species and note that when nothing was seen, they were actively "looking for whales." The latter half of the log (mid October 1860 to early January 1861) focuses on the goal of returning with the whale products. Most of these entries emphasize wind and sail orientation, navigation, and reading important geographic landmarks. On the return voyage ship maintenance was a priority and the crew painted and repaired parts of the ship.

Stamps indicating whale captures and escapes can be found in the following entries:

• June 6,1860
• July 9, 1860
• August 2, 1860
• August 15, 1860
• August 19,1860
• September 26, 1860
• 1 sperm whale killed, September 28, 1860
• 4 sperm whales killed, 1 escaped October 4, 1860
• 3 sperm whales killed, October 5, 1860

This volume also contains the following:

• 2 blank logbook pages with running header "Bark Sea Bird towards Cape of Good Hope"
• Inscription on inside back pastedown, handwritten in pencil, "Sadie Taber lived on Long Plain Rd Sunds Corner outside of New Bedford Mass"
• A list of New Bedford ships (pencil handwriting, differing from Marie Taber's script) on page 144. The names include:
  • Bark Millwood
  • Ocean River
  • Almira
  • San Francisco
  • Thomas Pope
  • St. Peter
  • Mercury
  • John A. Roff
  • Bark America
  • Tarmelia
  • Congress
  • Bartholomene
• Laid into the volume, between pages 92 and 93 is a handwritten slip of paper reading, [in ink]"See if you can find any vessel bound to the Cape of Good Hope or the island of Mauritius if any the price of passage and time of sailing" [in pencil] "first of week $150 or 125; 1 Brig 1st next week $150 Edmund Boynton, 1 vessel about a month $150 Isaac Taylor 16 Kirby Sr."
• A clipping of a poem "For the New York Mercury My Nelly's Eyes: Inscribed to Miss Ellen M.M, by: John F. Gilwee (September 7, 1858)," laid in between pages 132 and 133
• At various points in the blank section of the volume, pages have been ripped out.

In addition to this finding aid, the Clements Library has created a partial name index for the journal portion of the Taber journal: Partial Name Index .

Mary Alice Foley and her parents, American residents of Manila, were interned by the Japanese during World War II in a camp at the University of Santo Tomas. This collection contains her mother's journal, 213 photographs of Mary Alice, her family, and her friends, school girl letters, manuscripts and publications created and received while in the camp, and materials created for internee reunions.

The collection contains a wide variety of items from before, during, and after the Foley family's internment. Ella Foley's journal, 213 photographs of Mary Alice, family, and her friends, school girl letters, manuscripts and publications created and received while in the camp, and materials created for internee reunions are all present. A number of loving cups from the Polo Club in Manila and several publications have been transferred to the Graphics and Book Divisions, respectively.

Chronologically, the first item is a diary Ella Foley kept from October 13, 1937 to July 8, 1938, covering the family's first stay in Manila. She began the diary the day before she and Mary Alice left New York to join Frank in Manila, so the first two months give an detailed description of the sea voyage, including an interesting description of the Panama Canal (1937 October 22). Many of the photographs with the collection are pictures from the various places the Foleys visited while traveling to and from Manila, including the Panama Canal, Hong Kong, Shanghai, and Japan.

The diary describes what life was like for Ella during her husband's first journey to Manila. Ella was not happy in the Philippines and hoped that her husband would not accept a permanent job there. "Manila would be a terrible future home," she wrote in her diary on 1838 January 6. Ella did not have much to do, especially since the hotel staff took care of their apartment. She made friends with some other American couples living in the Philippines, such as Mae and Jerry Sheehan, possibly related to John Sheehan, a priest who was interned with the Foleys during the war. Ella interacted very little with native Filipinos. She kept herself busy by seeing a movie nearly everyday, shopping, going to the polo club, drinking cocktails (she was especially fond of "White Ladies"), and even gambling.

Ella was a devout Catholic, despite her gambling, and went to church every Sunday, and celebrated all the holidays. On Good Friday, she went to go see the "Flagellantes," although she was somewhat skeptical: "It looked like blood on his back but it might have been red paint" (1938 April 15). Ella hardly mentioned anything about Japanese aggression, only noting that Japan had bombed the American gunboat "Panay" (1937 December 13). On her way back from Manila in 1938, she even stopped in Japan, as well as Hong Kong and Shanghai.

Of the letters in the collection, ten of them were sent to Mary Alice by various schoolmates during the Foleys' second stay in Manila. During 1940-41, Mary Alice was pleased with her school and had an active social life, spending time with her friends at the Polo Club. Many of the pictures in her scrapbook and additional pictures were taken by her and her friends at the Polo club. Mary Alice and her pals were particularly interested in boys, and spent paragraphs discussing the behavior of boys in their class and parties they attended.

Mary Alice's sheltered teenage world was dramatically changed with internment. Items from the internment camp include: school work and a report card, showing Mary Alice's graduation from high school; 3 birthday and Christmas cards; a small diary kept by Mary Alice from April 22 to May 26, 1944; "Our Time," a satirical play of internment life, broadcast over the PA system in 1942; the September 1942 issue of "The Internitis," a newspaper published by internees; worksheets for Spanish verbs; an internment baseball program; a listing of camp rules from 1942; and a transcription of a speech made for her high school graduation.

Also from that time period are seven letters from the War Department to her mother's sister Irene McTeague and father's brother Joseph H. Foley; three camp form-letter postcards that Mary Alice and her mother sent to people in the United States; and an article about the camp from Life, September 7, 1942. Mary Alice later compiled the letters, the postcards, some photographs, the camp rules of 1942, and a brochure showing pictures of Santo Tomas into a scrapbook.

The play, "Our Time," (of which Mary Alice contributed the lyrics to one song) and "The Internitis" reveal the internees' life and their methods of coping with their loss of freedom and uncertainty in the future. The Japanese did not seem to censor the publications too strictly, so "Our Time" satirized life in camp through comments like, "Why clean any [more rooms]? We'll only be here for 3 days," and "that Venetian blind is a lot softer than this concrete to sleep on" ("Our Time," page 1). "The Internitis" has stories and articles relating to camp life, and reveals the wearing nature of being interned as well as the internees' efforts to create a normal life by building shanties for privacy and exchanging recipes.

The Christmas and birthday cards to Mary Alice and her mother try to be full of optimism and hope, with sentiments such as, "May this xmas be a nice one / Even though you are in here" (Betsy McRea, n.d.). Mary Alice, as recorded in her diary, kept herself busy by working at internment camp jobs, playing baseball, and taking college courses in "Economics, English Lit. & Psychology" (1944 May 25). She also recorded her weight in 1944, and noted how it had dwindled from 164 pounds on May 1, 1944 to 124 pounds on January 1, 1945.

The post-internment materials in the collection include a letter to Mary Alice from Rev. John Sheehan, who was also interned in Santo Tomas and in 1945 was touring the country speaking about his experiences. Finally, the collection contains photographs from the fortieth and fiftieth reunions of the Santo Tomas Internment Camp and a transcription of the speech given by Mary Alice at the fiftieth reunion. The speech gives some additional details of life in the camp.