Collections : [University of Michigan William L. Clements Library]

Jones served with the 61st New York Infantry Regiment until his discharge on April 29th, 1862, and later saw service as a Lieutenant in Co. A of the 14th New York Cavalry, remaining with that unit until it was consolidated near the end of the Civil War. Six of Jones' letters were written home from Camp California, near Faifax Court House, Va., in the first months of 1862, when the 61st Regiment was attached to the slow moving Army of the Potomac.

Six of Jones' letters were written home from Camp California, near Fairfax Court House, Va., in the first months of 1862, when the 61st Regiment was attached to the slow moving Army of the Potomac. Jones' letters are well written, but not particularly eventful. These letters do more to illustrate the slow pace of the Army of the Potomac than to provide details of camp life or battle. He remained optimistic that the war would end soon, "but if not," he wrote, "I would rather that we were well whipped, than that foreign nations would speak of us, as more frightened than hurt." He hoped particularly that he would have the chance to fight in a battle before it all ended.

Some of the letters in the collection include a description of a New Years' celebration among officers at which "an examination of the darkies [for allegedly stealing a bottle of brandy] was the most amusing part;" an account of Beauregard using "Quaker guns" at Munson's Hill to buy him time to reinforce positions at Centreville; and a mention of guard duty, during which Jones had to hand cuff and gag one man, and during which he encountered an Orderly Sergeant who had been imprisoned for five months for shooting a man for disobedience of orders. The collection also includes two souvenirs collected by Jones at Bull Run: a blade of grass from the battlefield and a piece of a Confederate flag.

Levi Hines enlisted as a private in the 11th Vermont Infantry (later converted to the 1st Vermont Heavy Artillery) on December 10th, 1862. Seventy of the letters in this collection were written by Hines to his sister Maria, his brother Chester, and parents or other relatives while he was in the service. The remainder of the collection consists of letters from relatives to Hines, with the majority coming from Maria (8 letters), John (5), Chester (4), brother Joseph (7) and E.C. Fisk, who served with Hines in the 1st Vermont Heavy Artillery.

Levi Hines' letters are intimate in nature and provide access to an individual soldier's personal feelings. Seventy of the letters in this collection were written by Hines to his sister Maria, his brother Chester, and parents or other relatives while he was in the service. The remainder of the collection consists of letters from relatives to Hines, with the majority coming from Maria (9 letters), John (5), Chester (5), brother Joseph (7) and E.C. Fisk, who served with Hines in the 1st Vermont Heavy Artillery.

A notable letter in the collection is Hines' account of seeing Lincoln and his entourage in Washington. Hines writes that Lincoln "is a much better looking man than I I [sic] expected to see... There is something in his Eye and in his physiognomy, that denotes firmness decision impressing one with an idea that when he had once taken his course he would not be easily swayed from it..." (1863 August 7-15). Hines also provides an account of the raising of the statue of the Goddess of Liberty on top of the Capitol Building, an occasion upon which he fired the fourth of seven shots in celebration. In the garrison, he recounts the story of a scam run in camp by three men of Company K who bought watches on credit and then deserted (1864 March 4). Another letter includes a humorous account of lice infestation (1864 March 5). Other noteworthy subjects include: Hines' thoughts of home while looking at the night sky (1862 October), his feelings regarding the lines of graves of soldiers who died of disease, and his comments on guard duty or fetching water for the regiment.

Hines' four letters from the field were written while in the trenches at Cold Harbor and Petersburg. He writes of how soldiers become inured to the violence surrounding them and the constant crash of shells and whistling of shot over head. These letters afford insight into one soldier's reactions to intense conflict.

The Calvin A. and Albert H. Irish diaries consist of 2 volumes. Calvin A. Irish kept a diary from January 1865, during the end of his service in the Union Army, until May 1866. His son, Albert H. Irish, also wrote a diary in 1885.

For his diary, Calvin used a printed almanac entitled Vermont Directory and Commercial Almanac for 1865. The entries are mostly short and detail his daily activities and experiences, including the distance he marched, the weather, letters that he sent or received, and work that he accomplished. The small volume was also Calvin's financial ledger.

Calvin's son Albert also wrote daily records in an almanac entitled The American Diary 1885. The first 2 manuscript pages are comprised of a few verses and adages. Albert's entries are short and include information about the weather, school, chores, odd jobs, and visits of his friends and neighbors. The almanac also contains a short cash-management ledger and brief descriptions of the Irish family's cows.

Cornelius Hulsapple entered the Paoli Guards in October, 1864, as a two-year draft substitute for W. R. Ridgway. Only three letters of Cornelius Hulsapple's survive, two of which are addressed to the man for whom he was substituting, W.R. Ridgway.

Only three letters of Cornelius Hulsapple's survive, two of which are addressed to the man for whom he was substituting, W.R. Ridgway. Each of the letters provides detailed information of Hulsapple's activities.

Hulsapple's writing is typified in a passage written in March 1865. In the passage Hulsapple describes seeing a large number of deserters from Lee's Army and a flood of liberated, nearly debilitated Union prisoners marching north: "they are a sad site to look on some of them have the toes frsen [sic] off of their feet some of them without hat or coat and they say that they are diing in droves every day some of them are that starved that they would catch rats and mice and eat them and they would even kill dogs if they could catch them and eat them raw."

The Lyman Gardner papers contain the Civil War correspondence of Mr. Gardner, who served in the 26th Ohio Infantry Regiment, and a later account book which documents his work in the Ohio lumber industry.

The bulk of Lyman Gardner's collection consists of a series of letters to his parents in Ohio, including two letters to his brother and sister. The collection also contains a few brief articles announcing births, deaths, and marriages in the Gardner family. A ledger of his personal accounts and of his lumber business can be found in this collection as well.

Gardner's letters center around food, clothing, and money. He does not possess much understanding of why he is participating in the war. He views his service as a dutiful obligation, though he neither explains why he is dedicated to the Union, nor what he believes the Union cause to be. Gardner's letters reveal a strong religious background.

Gardner's letters serve as an account for his action in the Atlanta Campaign, and his regiment's assignments in Chattanooga, Tenn., Huntsville, Ala., Nashville, Tenn., New Orleans, La., and Irwin, Tex. He goes into some detail of his skirmishes, but the majority of his letters are filled with requests for supplies and money. Overall, Gardner seems to enjoy his involvement in the army and does not express a particularly strong desire to return from it.

The Samuel Ripley papers contain correspondence from a soldier in the 36th Wisconsin Infantry, describing several months at Camp Randall, participation in the siege of Petersburg, and his feelings about the war.

The Samuel Ripley papers contain 60 letters, spanning February 1864-February 1865, two brief undated notes, and two photographs. Samuel Ripley wrote 58 of the letters between the commencement of his service in the 36th Wisconsin Infantry in February 1864, and his imprisonment at Salisbury Prison in August of the same year. The recipients were his wife Mary and his mother Abigail. Ripley's early letters, between February and mid-May 1864, describe life at Camp Randall near Madison, Wisconsin, including drilling, taking on the responsibilities of company clerk, and leisure activities. Several letters also mention attempts to visit Mary, as well as to bring her to Madison before his departure for the front.

Between June and August, Ripley wrote 37 long, richly-detailed letters, in which he discussed many aspects of the war: his opinions on its progress and how it was conducted, experiences participating in trench warfare during the Siege of Petersburg, attitudes toward fighting and the Union cause, and, to some extent, politics. He also frequently mentioned his ongoing rheumatism and digestive issues, but generally reported experiencing fair health. Correspondence from June 14-23, 1864, vividly depicts the siege of Petersburg, including being grazed by bullets and participating in an undermanned charge through an unprotected melon field (June 19, 1864). In a letter of June 20, 1864, Ripley described the variety of activity in the trenches: "any one fires from the trench who pleases and when they please, so some are firing some eating some cooking some hunting grey backs." Surprisingly, although an undated note in the collection states that Ripley was wounded on June 22, 1864, his letters do not mention such an event.

A strong believer in the Union and in the abolition of slavery, Ripley admitted to disliking warfare (June 27, 1864), but hoped that peace arbitrations would not succeed unless they ended slavery (July 25, 1864). In several other letters, he expressed distaste for "Copper-heads." He also frequently made predictions about movements and on the outcome of the war, which he believed had neared its end.

Ripley's later letters are particularly introspective and frank; on August 22, 1864, he wrote to his mother, describing his reasons for enlisting against the wishes and advice of friends, and alluded to his own shortcomings and disagreements with his deceased father. He also mentioned his distrust of some Union officers, whom he suspected of receiving bribes from Southerners and stealing packages from Union soldiers. In his last letter of August 28, 1864, Ripley notified his wife about his capture. Two letters from military officials, providing details on Ripley's imprisonment and death, close the correspondence.

The Miscellany Series contains lyrics to a Civil War song, a few biographical details, and two photographs of Ripley (one tintype and one carte-de-visite).

In 1863, Union soldier Stephen Metcalf posted a newspaper solicitation for correspondence with a Northern woman, and Carrie White, a supporter of the Union forces, was one of several who responded. All but a few letters in this collection are correspondence between the two that started with this advertisement and ended with their marriage in 1868. The letters span the first five years of the couple's relationship, offering detailed and intimate insight into courtship and other social practices of the Civil War period.

Approximately one third of the letters in this collection were written during the war, and much of the early correspondence centers around the battle and politics. The correspondence is almost entirely complete, with some of White's early letters missing. The bulk of the letters that discuss White's involvement with the aid society are between the beginning of the correspondence and May 25, 1865. As the war ends, topics begin to include Metcalf''s career, courtship and marriage.

The collection begins with a letter from "Eugene" thanking Carrie for her kind response to his advertisement. The letter includes a clipping of his newspaper solicitation. This first letter is almost a grand song of praise to the female sex, and her support of the Union cause: "I have scarcely withdrawn from the blood-stained battlefield when woman has made her appearance and by word, book and deed produced the balm of healing and consolation into every wound."

Metcalf directed most of their conversations, and he centered on two themes: first the war, and second, any social topic that was a little bit controversial. For example, in a letter dated 1863 November 1, Metcalf stated:

The day has come when it is no longer considered a disgrace for woman to appear in the capacity of teacher, lecturer, authoress, or physician. Slowly, yet surely, is the "better half" of the human race rising to the heights destined by the Creator. I believe that when our school houses, seminaries, colleges and Universities shall have become wholly or in part under the influence of female influences there will be greater intellectual advancement and a sounder code of morals inculcated, than characterizes our Educational institutions at the present time.

Metcalf asked for White's attitudes about topics such as co-education. Unfortunately, as is the case for much of the first year of their correspondence, we do not have her reply. One can gain some insight into the kinds of things that White was aware of by reading what Metcalf asked and told her.

Letters from both White and Metcalf during the war provide information about several military actions and the political state of the Nation. On November 1, 1863, Metcalf wrote to White that his company had joined the Pioneer Brigade and built two bridges across the Tennessee River near Chattanooga. One and a half years later, on April 12, 1865, Metcalf celebrated the capture of Richmond: "Yesterday the forces at this post celebrated the capture of Lee and his army by firing a salute of two hundred guns. With the Capital in our possession, the greatest general and best disciplined army of the enemy our prisoners, the conflict cannot continue much longer."

In a letter dated March 10, 1865, White reflected on the war, the condition of Union soldiers, and the future of the nation. She was mortified by the behavior of Andrew Johnson: "What a disgrace to the Nation. The vice-president being in a state of intoxication at the time of the inauguration, what will other nations think? What would become of us, if 'Uncle Abe' should chance to be taken from us?"

Within a year and a half of the first letters, Metcalf and White were very much friends, and their letters take on a comfortable, frank, and familiar tone. White's side of the correspondence is well represented from this point on. Ongoing conversations touched on topics as difficult as Lincoln's assassination and as banal as clothing. As their friendship grew and the war came to an end, topics got more personal, and the two began to tease one another and share their emotional experiences. For example, Metcalf revealed over the course of several letters that he had been fond of a young lady in his home town. While he was away fighting for the Union, she married a "Copperhead." White, also over the course of several letters, delicately consoled him, assuring him that the young lady was not deserving of his affection.

There are signs that by 1865, they each had significant influence over the other. White had particular influence over what Metcalf would do after the war. He discussed some of the career tracks that he could take, including medicine, teaching, or moving west and farming, and seemed to be fishing for White's opinion. In her response, White suggested that she was not fond of the teaching idea. Metcalf immediately qualified his remark, noting that education would only be something he would consider as a temporary form of employment.

White and Metcalf had corresponded for two years before they met in person. After meeting in Jersey in November of 1865, the courtship truly started to evolve and the reader gains an insight into the powerful yet precarious position that women could hold in this kind of interaction. White, for example, is the first to write after the two meet, and she worried that such an "aggressive" move might be too forward. Stephen teased her a bit, but was not put off by her boldness.

As the courtship developed, the two discussed social connections with the opposite sex. Both Metcalf and White deployed jealousy as a mild form of manipulation. On January 14, 1866, Metcalf wrote, "There are eight young ladies in attendance, and I must say that some of them are handsome, at least in a moderate acceptation of that word. But you know that teachers are supposed to occupy a neutral position of all questions relating to the good or bad looks of their female pupils."

In April of 1866 the two met again, and Metcalf declared his love to her. By July of 1866 he proposed marriage and she accepted, all by mail. After the two became engaged, White expressed several concerns about their marriage, often through indirect means. For example, she sent Metcalf a long poem entitled "A Woman's Question," by an unknown author. The first stanza reads:

Before I trust my fate to thee,

Or place my hand in thine;

Before I let thy future give

Color and form to mine,

Before I peril all for thee;

Question thy soul to-night for me.

The remainder of the poem lists the many concerns of a bride-to-be. White seemed to fear that there was a hidden nature within Metcalf that would be revealed after marriage, or that she would somehow fall short of his expectations.

Both parties expressed some concern that the fact that their friendship started as a correspondence based on a newspaper advertisement might violate a sense of propriety. White encountered such concerns among her friends in Jersey. One of her friends, not knowing about Metcalf, told White that this kind of letter writing was very low class. In a letter dated 1864 October 17, Metcalf responded to a question that White has posed about this concern: How would he feel if his sister were to correspond with a soldier? Metcalf admitted that he would not look upon such a situation favorably. On May 1, 1866, just after Metcalf had been presented to White's friends in Jersey, her aunt advised her on sharing publicly the origin of the friendship: "I don't want you to tell a story, neither do I want you to tell the truth..." Although White and Metcalf seemed to regret the way the relationship began, they also recognized that it was the only way the friendship could have started.

The John Comfort papers consist of seven letters written at scattered times through his Civil War service with the 137th New York Infantry Regiment.

The John Comfort papers consist of seven letters written at scattered times through the Civil War service of John R. Comfort with the 137th N.Y. Infantry Regiment. Because of the scant coverage, these letters do not build a clear picture of Comfort's attitudes or experiences, though occasional glimpses of both come through. Comfort provides some interesting soldiers'-eye observations on his commanding generals, particularly Henry W. Slocum, whom Comfort liked for not putting on the airs that other generals do, John W. Geary, Joseph Hooker, whom Comfort considered one of the most intelligent commanders in the Union army, and Alpheus S. Williams, whom he detested. Comfort's letter of August 13th, 1864, includes a useful account of the life in the Union lines before Atlanta, and his letter of January 21st, 1865, provides a brief but interesting description of the desperate Confederate effort to impede the advance of the Union XV Corps by flooding rice fields around Savannah.

The Barry diary recounts 48 days in the life of a private in the 127th Pennsylvania Reserves, Company E, encamped in 1863 near Falmouth, Virginia, across the Rappahannock River from rebel forces. The diary describes his company's actions surrounding the second battle at Fredericksburg at Marye's Heights.

This volume is a 3" by 6" leather-bound pocket diary recounting 48 days in the life of Henry Barry, a private in the 127th Pennsylvania Reserves, Company E, encamped near Falmouth, Virginia, across the Rappahannock River from rebel forces. Entries span from March 31 to May 16, 1863. The first page, numbered "113," indicates that it is part of a series. Pasted in the back are severely faded pictures of his father and mother, William A. Barry and Rachel Ann Barry.

Barry wrote in detail about camp life in Northern Virginia and about the Virginia front six weeks before Gettysburg. He described his experiences leading up to the second battle of Fredericksburg, and the Battle of, Chancellorsville, at Marye's Heights and his regiment's unsuccessful attempt to push Southern forces back to Richmond. On April 14, they were warned that they were about to advance, confirmed by seeing a cavalry unit and about 2,000 wagons go by. On the 29th they marched south seven miles with full packs and 8 days’ rations.

"This evening I went to the top of a hill and there saw for the first time an engagement between our forces and the Rebs. They were shelling each other at a fine rate" [April 30].

"I understand old Ive drove the Rebs 10 miles yesterday capturing 18 wagon loads and ammunition and 4 days rations. I understand old Joe calculates being in Fred-ericksburg by 4 o’clock this afternoon carrying all the heights" [May 2].

In Battle. This morning at daybreak we marched into Fredericksburg and went down Caroline Street and there rested a few moments when I heard Gen. Gibbon tell Gen. Hall to file left & left flank so we did and the shells did come in profusion" [May 3].

The Charles M. Byington diary records the Civil War service of the quartermaster-sergeant of the 110th New York Infantry, including the battles of Fort Bisland and Port Hudson.

The Charles M. Byington diary contains approximately 95 pages of daily entries, covering January 1-July 19, 1863, and 5 pages of records documenting financial transactions. The earliest diary entries are quite brief and record daily activities, duties, and movements. Byington frequently noted that he had distributed equipment, made invoices, foraged for food to feed the soldiers, and drawn rations in his role as quarter-master sergeant. On January 4, 1863, he mentioned a soldier who had given religious instruction to an African American Regiment; in other entries he discussed the activities of his company's colonel, DeWitt Clinton Littlejohn, and those of several of his friends.

Byington wrote longer, more detailed entries beginning in March, when his regiment camped near Baton Rouge and he noted the frequent firing by gunboats there. On March 15, 1863, he gave a firsthand account of an engagement near Port Hudson, in which the USS Mississippi lost its rudder and exploded. In mid-April, he wrote about the Battle of Fort Bisland, including nearly getting hit by shells and seeing white flags hung outside of "most every house," reportedly by Confederate women frightened of the Yankees (April 19, 1863). In June, he described frequent foraging, his health problems, and the Battle of Port Hudson, in which several men he knew were wounded and killed (June 14, 1863). He also recounted a surprising assault by Confederate cavalry, which he and several officers fled by boarding a ship that was "peppered by bullets" (July 2, 1863). On July 18, 1863, he mentioned a visit to the decimated Port Hudson (July 14, 1863: "The buildings inside were literally torn to pieces"). The diary ends with a search for a coffin for "one of our boys" and a church visit on July 19, 1863.