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This collection contains 3 volumes of typescripts about Captain John Paul Jones and his service with the Continental Navy during the American Revolution. One group of documents concerns his attempt to kidnap Douglas Dunbar, 4th Earl of Selkirk, at his home in St. Mary's Isle, Scotland, in April 1778.

This collection contains 3 volumes of typescripts about Captain John Paul Jones and his service with the Continental Navy during the American Revolution. One group of documents concerns his attempt to kidnap Douglas Dunbar, 4th Earl of Selkirk, at his home in St. Mary's Isle, Scotland, in April 1778.

The first volume contains around 97 pages of typescript letters and extracts from the log of the Ranger, which Jones commanded during his raid against the Earl of Selkirk's home. Helen Selkirk, the earl's wife, recollected her experiences in letters to her family, recalling how Jones and his men took the family's tableware after discovering that the earl was not home. Jones later corresponded with Lord Selkirk about his attempts to return the stolen items, and apologized for his crew's actions. Several items are laid into the volume's front cover, including newspaper clippings about the later location of the tableware and about a flag that Jones once owned; reproduced photographs; and items related to Hazel Schermerhorn, who transcribed the letters during a visit to Scotland in the 20th century.

Volumes 2 and 3 are typescript copies of Richard Filkin's transcriptions of, and footnotes about, correspondence and documents related to John Paul Jones's naval career, particularly during the American Revolution. Most of the material is comprised of extracts from newspaper columns; the volumes also include letters, dispatches, and other documents. Some of the reprinted items are in French. The first 30 pages of Volume 2 are copied in manuscript handwriting; together, these volumes contain around 465 pages of typed material. Each individual section of around 30-50 pages is indexed.

The Leckie family papers document the business activities and relationships of Alexander Leckie and his sons, who traded dry goods between England, the United States, and the Caribbean around 1800.

The Leckie family papers contain 44 letters, 3 ledgers, 2 inventories, and a receipt, spanning 1794-1808. The materials primarily document the business activities of the Leckies, who traded dry goods between the United States, England, Jamaica, and Haiti. The correspondence contains many details on the nature of an ambitious mercantile business and matters affecting it during this period. These include political disruptions that threatened trading, especially in Santo Domingo (August 31, 1797), insurance of cargoes, the suitability of certain kinds of goods for specific markets (August 5, 1797), and the types of materials bought and sold, such as cloth, groceries, soap, and candles. The inventories provide further specifics on types of items and prices.

The letters also reveal family relations and their repercussions on the business. In their correspondence, the Leckie brothers frequently quarreled with and chastised one another. They found particular fault with Alexander, who, according to his brothers, made a number of bad contracts (April 7, 1795), as well as an "unfortunate and premature attachment" to a young woman in Virginia (December 28, 1795). In a letter of February 4, 1802, George discussed Alexander's enormous debts ("Alexander could not be indebted at New providence in any less sum than 100.000 Dollars"). Despite this, all three remained in the business at least until 1808.

William Leckie's letters, in particular, show him to be a keen observer of society. In a letter of August 15, 1802, he described the rapid growth of cotton as a crop, the construction of Washington, D.C., and his views on the American social and political scene. His comments on the growing tensions over slavery in the south would prove prophetic: "I have thought that two circumstances are likely to operate at possibly no very distant day to the disadvantage of this happy Country, the first is the great laxity of morals & religion…The other is the increasing quantity of blacks…who are all natives & many of whom can read & write, these will perhaps prove the bane of all the Southern States & by their struggles for freedom involve nearly one half of the Union in Civil Wars."

Moses Bond's journal contains a memoir of his life from 1786 to 1815, including accounts of his early apprenticeship, vivid descriptions of his sailing career, and his wife's death in childbirth.

Of the 35 pages in Moses Bond's journal, the first twelve are devoted to basic arithmetic problems. These include word problems, most involving investment. The journal proper begins on page 13 with a title page. Though Bond wrote the journal in 1808, he is recounting events that date from 1786 to 1808. The memoir is 22 pages long. In 1814, Bond added a half page about the death of his wife in childbirth.

On the first two pages, Bond writes briefly about his apprenticeship; Osgood Carleton, the well known mathematician who taught him navigation; and Edward Preble, a merchant in Boston who was part owner of the ship Levant. The remainder of the memoir contains an account of his sailing career aboard the ships Levant, and Adamant from 1806 to 1808. Bond recorded the many places he visited in Europe, the Mediterranean, Africa, and India, and sometimes provided detailed descriptions, especially for Cape Aden in the Arabian (or Persian) Gulf, and the ancient city of Tarragona in Spain. He also mentions various cargoes the ship carried, mostly sugar, coffee, wine, and spirits.

Bond wrote about many events, including stormy weather, pumping water from the leaky ship, loading and unloading cargo, and nearly running aground. One time the ship "pitched away our fore top mast with my friend H. Oxnard at the head of it, he however luckily held in the rigging and saved himself without any injury." He also mentioned how they were received by different countries and the lengths of time they had to spend in quarantine. On a visit to Barcelona, in possession of the French, they had to pay a fee to avoid being tried for "breach of the Edict of Napoleon." At one point, the ship was seized and searched by Spanish privateers, and another time they were captured by a Maltese privateer, and taken to Malta.

Bond's own feelings are reflected in the events he recounts. For example, he describes the privateers as overbearing wretches employed "to annoy the Enemy for want of other employment." He also wrote emotionally about the deaths of his sister and friend William C. Fuller, both of whom died while he was at sea. In December, 1814, six years after he wrote the memoir, Bond recorded the account of his wife's death on Dec. 5. "Sad remembrance will bleed at every pore in recounting the sufferings of that dear woman."

The three volumes of manuscript records of colonial privateers that comprise this collection include two volumes relating to the sloop Stephen & Elizabeth, and one from the sloop Oliver Cromwell.

The three volumes of manuscript records of colonial privateers that comprise this collection include two volumes relating to the sloop, Stephen & Elizabeth in June-September, 1740. These volumes include an itemization of provisions used on board ship during their cruise off Hispaniola, as well as an inventory and list of prices realized during sale at in "Charlestown" (Charleston, South Carolina). The third volume lists seizures by the New York-based Oliver Cromwell, during and immediately after the French and Indian War.

The value in these volumes lies more in the immaculate inventories of the prizes taken and prices realized, than in the rather slender documentation of privateering.

Richard Tomson of Charleston, South Carolina, copied poems, religious and moral advice, prayers, and other writings in this "Book of Extracts and Memorandums" between 1759 and 1765.

Richard Tomson of Charleston, South Carolina, copied poems, religious and moral advice, prayers, and other writings in this "Book of Extracts and Memorandums" (30 pages) between 1759 and 1765. Many entries pertain to aspects of Christianity, such as faith, salvation, prayer, and moral living; one cautions against drinking alcohol and others concern topics such as love and marriage. The book contains quotations from the Bible, John Milton, and Shakespeare's Julius Caesar. One short poem was written on the Diana, a French privateer, after its capture en route from Maryland in 1761. Tomson also copied several collects from the Book of Common Prayer in 1765.

This collection contains business letters, financial documents, and a deposition related to the business affairs of merchant Robert Thomas Pyott of Hull, England, in the 1760s. Most items concern the shipment of brandy, Madeira, and other wines to Charleston, South Carolina, and the Caribbean.

This collection contains 28 business letters, 5 financial documents, and 1 deposition related to the business affairs of merchant Robert Thomas Pyott of Hull, England, in the 1760s. Most items concern the shipment of brandy, Madeira, and other wines to Charleston, South Carolina, and to the Caribbean.

Robert Thomas Pyott received business letters from multiple firms and individuals. His most frequent correspondents were Thomas Rennard and McQueen Gordon & Co., both of Charleston, South Carolina. Other merchants wrote to Pyott from London, England. The majority of Pyott's incoming letters concern the shipment of wine to Charleston and to Caribbean ports, including Barbados. Correspondents in South Carolina frequently reported on the state of the local market, and many letters include financial statements or otherwise pertain to monetary arrangements.

Thomas Rennard sent two letters, in which he discussed the British invasion of Martinique in early 1762 (February 27, 1762, and March 3, 1762). John Howell, master of the Hannah & Jane, made a sworn statement that his ship had been captured by a French privateer (April 2, 1762); subsequent letters include one about Pyott's attempt to settle an insurance claim for the loss (December 13, 1762). Along with the correspondence and deposition, the collection includes a bill of lading, 2 invoices, and other financial records concerning Pyott's American interests.

Samuel S. Inglee maintained this logbook between 1852 and 1855 during several commercial fishing voyages off the Atlantic coasts of Massachusetts, Nova Scotia, and Newfoundland. The bulk of the entries record information including the hour, knots, fathoms, courses, winds, low water levels, and traverse tables. Inglee also provided general remarks, documenting nearby locations, weather, handling of sails, hauls of fish, and the latitude and longitude. He also commented on shipboard practices, such as food choices, work tasks related to fishing, encountering other ships, and taking soundings. At times, Inglee mentioned his emotional state, dislike of the fishing trade, and homesickness. Inglee also included several poems and lyrics in the volume with themes relating to seafaring, love, death, and other topics. The volume is bound in hand-stitched canvas covers, possibly sailcloth, with printed images pasted on the inside covers.

Samuel S. Inglee maintained this logbook between 1852 and 1855 during several commercial fishing voyages off the Atlantic coasts of Massachusetts, Nova Scotia, and Newfoundland. The bulk of the entries record information including the hour, knots, fathoms, courses, winds, low water levels, and traverse tables. Inglee also provided general remarks, documenting nearby locations, weather, handling of sails, hauls of fish, and the latitude and longitude. He also commented on shipboard practices, like food choices, work tasks related to fishing, encountering other ships, and taking soundings. The entries for September 21-23, 1852, mention seeing a shipwreck, trying to navigate the challenging area around Georges Bank, and finding their way to shore. At times, Inglee mentioned his emotional state, referring to homesickness, and on September 27, 1853, he noted his desire to give up seafaring. "...I hope that I never shall be dam fool enough for to go again. I have got enough this summer for to cure me from going to sea any more." On July 22, 1855, he reiterated his fatigue with sea life, calling himself "home sick fish sick and sick of the sea."

While most of the voyages are unnamed, Inglee did identify his trip which began in May 1853 as a "Voyage made from Kingston to the Grand Bank by the good Schooner Cosmus" under Otis Phinney, Master.

Later entries in the volume were written more as journal entries rather than logbook entries, commenting on weather, food eaten, tasks performed (including patching holes in his pants on July 29, 1855). He regularly noted the numbers of fish they caught, the names of nearby ships, their home port, and the size of their hauls. At times, upwards of one hundred other vessels were in sight, and Inglee occasionally referenced passing off letters to home. On June 11, 1855, Inglee recorded their captain going overboard and being successfully rescued.

Inglee also included several poems and lyrics with themes relating to seafaring, love, death, and other topics. The volume is bound in hand-stitched canvas covers, possibly sailcloth. Printed images are pasted on the inside covers, one of a sailing ship, "The Yankee Privateer," and the other of a man on a ship deck holding a sword, "The Smuggler King."

This collection includes two journals kept by Midshipman Thomas Style while on separate patrols with the HMS Révolutionnaire, under Captain Henry Hotham.

This collection includes two journals kept by Midshipman Thomas Style while on separate patrols with the HMS Révolutionnaire, under Captain Henry Hotham (1777-1833).

The first journal (64 pages) covers tours of the HMS Révolutionnaire from April 16, 1804, through November 11, 1804. Style provided daily logs of the crew's activities and ship movements as they made multiple patrols. He recorded work performed at Portsmouth, Spithead, St. Helen's, and Cork, to maintain the ship and assemble crews for their voyage. The HMS Révolutionnaire departed on June 26, 1804, and patrolled along the Portuguese coast, returning to Spithead on August 15, 1804, carrying with them Prince Augustus Frederick, Duke of Sussex (1773-1843). Departing again on September 5, the crew continued to patrol the coast of Spain and Funchal, Madeira. They then made a transatlantic voyage, mooring at Hampton Roads, Virginia, in November 1804. Throughout the journal Style noted punishments doled out to sailors for various offences, weather, navigational and sailing details, and sightings of other British navy and mercantile ships. He logged ships they encountered and boarded and noted their ports of departure and arrival, including Denmark, Sweden, Portugal, Spain, England, the Caribbean, and the United States.

The second journal (76 pages) covers the HMS Révolutionnaire's patrols from July 1, 1805 to March 18, 1806, commencing as the ship passed near Lizard Point, England. Much like the first journal, Style recorded weather and navigational bearings, ship maintenance, discipline meted out to sailors, and ships encountered and boarded. The Révolutionnaire sailed along the French coast before returning to Plymouth on August 21. They set sail again on September 4 to patrol the French and Spanish coasts. Style mentioned privateers and the capture of prizes. He also described the Battle of Cape Ortegal between the English squadron and four French ships on November 4 and 5, 1805, with the Révolutionnaire and the Phoenix taking possession of the French ship Scipion. They took the prizes and prisoners back to Plymouth on November 10 before heading out nine days later to reconnoiter the enemy's position at Ferrol, Spain, the and patrol the coasts of France, Spain, and Portugal. They returned to Plymouth on March 9, 1806. Style disciplined several men for "concealing mutinous Practices & Designs" and two others for writing a disrespectful letter to the Commissioners of the Admiralty concerning Captain Henry Hotham.

This collection is made up of correspondence and financial records related to vessels of the United States Revenue Cutter Service, United States Navy, and United States Merchant Marine in the late 18th and early 19th centuries.

This collection is made up of correspondence and financial records related to vessels active in the United States Revenue Cutter Service, United States Navy, and United States Merchant Marine in the late 18th and early 19th centuries. The materials relate to crews' wages, ships' cargoes and expenses, cutter construction, privateering, and other subjects. See the Detailed Box and Folder Listing for more information about each item.

The donor has collected, arranged, transcribed, and annotated each document and has written a well-researched collection description.

This 47-page manuscript, dated March 1760, is a series of certified copies of legal documentation from the British Vice-Admiralty Court of Gibraltar, relating to the ship Immacolata Concezione & St. Ignazio di Loyola, commanded by Roman citizen Lorenzo Ghiglino. The ship was captured by the British privateer St. Albans (Captain Edward Vernon) in October 1759 off the coast of Cadiz, Spain. The Immacolata... was brought to Gibraltar where the ship and its cargo were condemned as prizes. This manuscript provides a detailed account of the complex legal and commercial practices during the Seven Years' War. It outlines Ghiglino's earlier encounter with New York privateers in 1757 during his initial voyage to Cap Français, Saint Domingue, his acquittal in the New York Vice-Admiralty Court in 1758, efforts to secure sugar and coffee cargo in Saint Domingue in 1759, his re-capture near Cadiz by Edward Vernon, and legal arguments about prize law. The manuscript is on loose sheets, connected by stab sewing near the top edge.

This 47-page manuscript, dated March 1760, is a series of certified copies of legal documentation from the British Vice-Admiralty Court of Gibraltar, relating to the ship Immacolata Concezione & St. Ignazio di Loyola, commanded by Roman citizen Lorenzo Ghiglino. The ship was captured by the British privateer St. Albans (Captain Edward Vernon) in October 1759 off the coast of Cadiz, Spain. The Immacolata... was brought to Gibraltar where the ship and its cargo were condemned as prizes. This manuscript provides a detailed account of the complex legal and commercial practices during the Seven Years' War. It outlines Ghiglino's earlier encounter with New York privateers in 1757 during his initial voyage to Cap Français, Saint Domingue, his acquittal in the New York Vice-Admiralty Court in 1758, efforts to secure sugar and coffee cargo in Saint Domingue in 1759, his re-capture near Cadiz by Edward Vernon, and legal arguments about prize law. The manuscript is on loose sheets, connected by stab sewing near the top edge.

This manuscript includes formal copies of depositions, Vice-Admiralty Court sentences or decrees, petitions and memorials, orders, letters, passports, declarations, bills of sale, certificates, accounts and invoices, bills of lading and health, interrogations, monitions, claims, allegations and their answers.

These documents provide a record of Lorenzo Ghiglino's Atlantic mercantile practices. They include commentary on the cargo being shipped aboard the Immacolata Concezione and speculation about the financial reasoning that would explain the goods. For example, Lorenzo Ghiglino's answers to Vernon's allegations against him in Gibraltar explained that his initial transatlantic voyage in 1757 "wore a very promising aspect[,] European goods being greatly wanted at Cape François & American produce vastly cheap at that Port by reason of the circumstances of the war with Great Britain which rendered it extremely hazardous for the French to transport their American produce to Europe." However, Judge Lewis Morris's opinion delivered on October 13, 1758, in the New York Vice-Admiralty court questioned the logic. He noted that the Spanish merchant backing Ghiglino's venture, Don Francisco Xavier de los Rios, gave "orders to purchase great quantities of Indigo" despite his presumed knowledge that "it is highly penal for the Subjects of any neutral state to export indigo from Cape Francois & that it is necessary that every Vessel shou'd duly appear to be a French bottom before she can export Indigo from the Cape..." Morris therefore decided it was more likely that de los Rios was covering for French merchants attempting to sell French goods in the West Indies, illustrating the complex business practices occurring during the international conflict.

Documentation of Ghiglino's voyage back to Europe in 1759 details the ongoing impact of the war on business. Mercantile constraints imposed by the British prohibited Ghiglino from loading a cargo in New York to sell in Spain and Italy, which forced him to travel to Spanish and French colonies in the West Indies to purchase goods. For the first leg of his trip to Monte Christi, he requested permission "to man the ship with French Prisoners which will save him a great expence in the article of wages." The copy of "The Governor of Monte Christi's Certificate" verified that Ghiglino was unable to secure cargo in the city over the course of a month and a half, as merchants refused to bring sugar to market there "on account of there being many English Privateers on this Coast who daily commit acts of Piracy on the Spanish Vessels trading in this commodity." Ghiglino instead travelled to Cap Français, and his purchases of sugar and coffee are documented, listing amounts and costs, as well as unsuccessful attempts by planters to secure freight for their goods to Europe. Claims by several other crew members and passengers illustrate the smaller scale trading happening aboard merchant ships.

The court records also speak to the financial imperatives motivating privateers. The copy of the New York Vice-Admiralty Court's 1758 sentence reveals the reason why the privateers who captured the Immacolata Concezione never pursued their appeal of the case in England. The merchants tasked with selling the perishable cargo, instead of holding the sums as dictated, "distributed the money arising from the Sales or a part of it among the owners or partys interested in the Privateers concern'd in the Capture. Being thus possess'd of all the proceeds of the Cargoe.... no wonder the Libellants were contented to drop the prosecution of their appeal & that they afterwards opppos'd the Genoese Captain acquiring his freight & gratification money." Later in 1759, Edward Vernon's rejection of Ghiglino's petition for additional time to secure advice from England addresses his financial concerns. Vernon noted the "considerable expense in guarding & preserving the said Vessel & Cargoe which have been exposed especially at this Season of the year to great accident and damages." Additionally, he acknowledged that the sugar cargo was "perishable especially as being on board an old Ship," and had already depreciated some twenty per cent in value.

This manuscript provides insight into maritime law, particularly through the allegations made by British privateer Edward Vernon at the Vice-Admiralty Court of Gibraltar and Ghiglino's answers. Arguments concerned issues like the ownership of vessels and cargoes, the possession of French papers, neutral rights to trade with French colonies, and the law of nations. The types of material in the document, including copies of passports, financial receipts, petitions and memorials, and more, illustrate merchants' understanding of the importance of good documentation to meet legal disputes.

The appeals process is also discussed in the records. The New York privateers claimed to have appealed the 1758 decision, causing Joseph Ghiglino to travel to England to defend the case. Upon arrival, finding no appeal lodged, he entreated the help of Secretary of State William Pitt. A copy of Pitt's June 10, 1758, letter to New York Governor James de Lancey pressing to have the case moved forward is included. While attending to the case in Gibraltar, Lorenzo Ghiglino petitioned for additional time to secure advice from England, suggesting the difficulties of international maritime disputes, and the file closes with the note that he will be appealing the condemnation of his ship and cargo to the Lords Commissioners of Appeals in England, which necessitated his receiving a full copy of his records.